Abstract
On 31st October 2011, the then Greek Prime Minister George Papandreou announced his intention to hold a referendum on whether the country should accept the financial rescue plan laid out by the troika of the European Union (EU), International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the European Central Bank (ECB), providing for a 50 % haircut of Greece’s debt owed to private creditors. Four days later, Papandreou backed down from his decision, and on the 10th November he tendered his resignation office. Papandreou was replaced by Lucas Papademos, who had previously served as Governor of the Bank of Greece and as Vice-President of the ECB. In the same, eventful week, the Prime Minister of another debt-laden European country, Italy’s Silvio Berlusconi, stepped down from office, amidst growing continent-wide concern over the sustainability of the Italian public debt. Following Berlusconi’s resignation, President Giorgio Napolitano gave mandate to Mario Monti, an Economics professor at Milan’s Bocconi University and former EU commissioner, to form a new “technocrat” cabinet.
This article stems from papers delivered at the History seminar, University of Queensland, 23rd March 2012, and at the Centre for the History of European Discourse, UQ, 10th May 2012. I am very grateful to all those who have made questions and observations, in particular David Pritchard, Tom Stevenson and Cinzia Bestonso. Neil O’Sullivan and L.J Samons II kindly agreed to read draft versions of this paper and have given me their very valuable advice. Ça va sans dire, I am fully responsible for any errors this article might contain. Last but not least, my deepest thanks go to Kyriakos Demetriou for giving me the opportunity to contribute to this volume, and to my friend and colleague Sylvie Shaw, who has discussed the topic of this work with me over ever-pleasant Saturday brunches for the last few months.
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Notes
- 1.
On the events leading to Silvio Berlusconi’s resignation, see Jones (2012), pp. 83–5.
- 2.
- 3.
- 4.
Mannheimer (2012).
- 5.
See Neate (2012).
- 6.
- 7.
http://ekloges-prev.singularlogic.eu/v2012a/public/index.html#{“cls”:“main”,“params”:{}}.
- 8.
‘Abschied vom Euro: Nach der jüngsten Wutwahl sucht Europa nach einem Plan B für Griechenland. Die bisherige Rettungspolitik ist gescheitert. Die Einsicht wächst, dass Athen die Währungsunion verlassen sollte’, De Spiegel (20th May 2012).
- 9.
See in particular Featherstone (2011), pp. 194, 210–2.
- 10.
- 11.
- 12.
Schirrmaker (2011).
- 13.
Sen (1999), p. 3.
- 14.
See Gat (2010), pp. 2–8.
- 15.
Dunn (2005), p. 15.
- 16.
- 17.
See Mansfield and Snyder (1995), pp. 6–8, 12–8.
- 18.
A. Gat., Victorious and Vulnerable, p. 2.
- 19.
A. Gat, Victorious and Vulnerable, pp. ix-x.
- 20.
Keane (2009), pp. 812–3.
- 21.
Ibid., pp. 848–9.
- 22.
Nye (2004), p. x.
- 23.
Ibid., pp. 5–15. See also Nye (1990), pp. 8, 29, 31–2.
- 24.
See Nye (2011).
- 25.
Monocle, 49 (December 2011/January 2012), p. 35.
- 26.
Ibid., p. 36.
- 27.
Phillips (2011).
- 28.
de Benedetti (2011).
- 29.
Kohl (2012).
- 30.
See Bianchini (2012).
- 31.
- 32.
See Kagan (2004), pp. 55–6.
- 33.
“Tender is the might”, Monocle, 49 (December 2011/January 2012), pp. 48–9.
- 34.
See Huntington (1991), particularly pp. 3–30.
- 35.
Nye (2004), pp. 75–83.
- 36.
- 37.
On these events, see Xenophon, Hellenica 2.3–4; [Aristotle], Constitution of the Athenians 34–8; Lysias, Against Eratosthenes 6–24.
- 38.
[Aristotle], Constitution of the Athenians 39.6.
- 39.
Andocides, On the Mysteries 90.
- 40.
Loraux (2002), p. 150.
- 41.
See [Aristotle], Constitution of the Athenians 40.2–3.
- 42.
[Aristotle], Constitution of the Athenians 39.1–5.
- 43.
Sen (1999), pp. 3–4. Cp. Dunn (2005), pp. 14–7, 130–1.
- 44.
- 45.
http://www.europarl.europa.eu/news/en/headlines/content/20120113STO35292/html/Either-we-all-lose-or-we-all-win-Martin-Schulz’s-acceptance-speech.
- 46.
- 47.
Ritchie (1932), p. 137.
- 48.
See above, n. 19.
- 49.
See Caracciolo (2012), pp. 9–10.
- 50.
See Morris (1997), pp. 194–5.
- 51.
See [Aristotle] Athenian Constitution 20–2.
- 52.
Events included an exhibition at the National Archives, Washington DC, organized by the American School of Classical Studies at Athens and the Greek Ministry of Culture, 15th June 1993-2nd January 1994.
- 53.
Fleming (2004), pp. 14–7.
- 54.
Ibid., p. 16.
- 55.
Isakhan and Stockwell (2011), pp. 4–10.
- 56.
Keane (2009), pp. xi–xii, but see also Sen (1999), p. 4.
- 57.
Isakhan (2007), pp. 110–111.
- 58.
See Ober (2007), p. 83.
- 59.
Thucydydes, 2.37; cp. Robinson (1997), pp. 9–10.
- 60.
See Raaflaub and Wallace (2007), pp. 22–48.
- 61.
E. Robinson, (1997), pp. 64–122, 129–30.
- 62.
Fleming (2004), pp. xi–xii; Stockwell (2007), pp. 35–8; Pritchard (2007), pp. 328–31.
- 63.
- 64.
- 65.
Quoted by Calleo (2011), p. 2.
- 66.
- 67.
Thucydides, 2.37.1.
- 68.
See http://euobserver.com/18/16609, where the historian Thucydides is called “philosopher”.
- 69.
- 70.
von Bogdandy (2006), pp. 17–22.
- 71.
Peters (2004), pp. 37–8.
- 72.
Aristotle, Politics 3.1278a. Cp. Dahl (1989), pp. 22–3; Samons (2004), pp. 45–9.
- 73.
See Demosthenes, On the Liberty of the Rhodians 15.
- 74.
See [Ps. Xenophon], Constitution of the Athenians 1.16–19.
- 75.
See e.g. Thucydides, 1.75.2–76.1. Melian episode: Thucydides, 5.84–116.
- 76.
See Thucydides, 1.2.64.
- 77.
Keane (2009), pp. ix–xi.
- 78.
Cp. R.A. Dahl, Democracy (1989), pp. 83–4.
- 79.
See supra, pp. 146–8.
- 80.
Thucydides, 1.1.
- 81.
See de Ste Croix (2008), pp. 259–60.
- 82.
Thucydides, 5.84.3. On oligoi and polloi in the Melian episode, see Crane (1998) pp. 252–3.
- 83.
See [Ps. Xenophon], Constitution of the Athenians 1.1–5.
- 84.
Homer, Iliad 18.497–508.
- 85.
See [Aristotle] Athenian Constitution 8.5; Plutarch, Life of Solon 20. On Solon as a father of Athenian democracy, see Aristophanes, Clouds 1187–1200; Demosthenes, On the Crown 6–7; Aristotle, Politics 2.9.2–4.
- 86.
Thucydides, 2.41.1.
- 87.
On this matter, see Hansen (1999), pp. 42–3.
- 88.
Herodotus, 5.66.1, cp. Aristotle, Politics 3.1275b.
- 89.
[Aristotle], Constitution of the Athenians 20–21.
- 90.
See e.g. the so-called “Dialogue on the constitutions” in Herodotus’ Histories (3.80–83), where Otanes claims popular rule “to have the most beautiful name of all, isonomia” (3.80.6), while Megabyxus and Darius, supporters of oligarchy and monarchy respectively, call it “democracy”, cp. Sealey (1973), p. 274.
- 91.
Herodotus, 6.131. On the use, or lack of it, of demokratia see M. Hansen, (1999), pp. 16, 69–71.
- 92.
[Aristotle], Constitution of the Athenians 41. Cleisthenes’ reforms were the second metabole really to move forward the process of democratisation, following the laws of Solon (third metabole), cp. Chambers (1961), pp. 22–5.On Aristotle’s political logic-teleology, see Loraux, (1991), pp. 67–74; Chambers (1961), pp.34–6.
- 93.
Ibid., 22.3.
- 94.
Thucydides 8.1; cp. LJ. Samons II, What’s Wrong, pp. 92–5.
- 95.
See Samons (2004), pp. 171–6.
- 96.
[Ps. Xenophon], Constitution of the Athenians 3.1–4.
- 97.
Ibid., 1.13, 3.8.
- 98.
Aristotle, Politics 6.1317b.
- 99.
Ibid., 4.1293b.
- 100.
See Thucydides, 1.2.5–6.
- 101.
Ibid., 1.1, 18.2–3.
- 102.
Thucydides, 1.23.4–6.
- 103.
See Ellis (1991), p. 366.
- 104.
Thucydides, 1.5.5–6.
- 105.
J. Keane (2009), p. 875.
- 106.
See Sen, (1999), pp. 3–4; Keane, (2009), pp. xxiv, 842.
- 107.
See Dahl, (1989), p. 14.
- 108.
See e.g. Demosthenes, Third Olynthiac 3.
- 109.
- 110.
Keane (2009), p. 855.
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Asmonti, L. (2013). “From Athens to Athens”. Europe, Crisis, and Democracy: Suggestions for a Debate. In: Demetriou, K. (eds) Democracy in Transition. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-30068-4_8
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