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Multilevel Constitutionalism and Federalism: Reflections upon the Congress on “The Path to Federalism in the State of Autonomies”

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The Ways of Federalism in Western Countries and the Horizons of Territorial Autonomy in Spain

Abstract

There is nothing new about making a connection between federalism and the different tiers of competence typical of complex legal–political organisations. Currently, it is no longer possible to approach a legal theme without taking into account the different levels of legal systems that may influence the object of analysis. In fact, in many countries, most legal institutions are regulated by more than one system. Globalisation, reinforcing both bilateral and multilateral International Law, European integration, the unleashing of processes of redefinition of competences in sub-state bodies, born of the need to better tackle policies that profoundly impact the lives of citizens, have made it necessary to address the study of institutions, rights, bodies, guarantees, etc., not only in classical unitary legal systems, characteristic of the nation-state, but also at other levels, depending upon the degree of internationalisation or regionalisation of the area under study and upon the level of legal integration resulting from these processes.

This work is part of the Research Project on “Multilevel Constitutionalism and Relations between Parliaments: European Parliament, National Parliaments and Regional Parliaments with Regional Parliaments with Legislative Competences”. Granted by the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation (Ref. DER2008-05738-C03-01/JURI)

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Along these lines Freixes and Remotti (2002). Also, following the Treaty of Lisbon, Freixes (2010).

  2. 2.

    See the monograph “Unión Europea” coordinated by Gil-Robles (2008).

  3. 3.

    Kelsen (1933).

  4. 4.

    Hart (1963).

  5. 5.

    Ruipérez uses the Italian concept of Costituzione in senso sostanciale to CONFER constitutional value upon the statutes of autonomy. See Ruipérez (1994). Rubio Llorente also attributes constitutional value to the statutes of autonomy, employing the term “secondary constitutional law”. See Rubio Llorente (1993).

  6. 6.

    Concept devised by the Constitutional Court in the ruling on the LOAPA (Basic Law for the Harmonisation of the Autonomous Process), wherein it establishes the block and judges the contested law in accordance with this interpretative criteria, declaring large portion of the said law unconstitutional. STC 76/1983, August 5.

  7. 7.

    For Otto, the set of norms integrated within the block of constitutionality (including the statutes of autonomy) fulfil in our system the function that in the federal states corresponds to the Federal Constitution. See, Otto (1988).

  8. 8.

    The bibliography that incorporates multilevel governance as a parameter for analysis is enormous. In Spain, this concept has frequently been employed to analyse multilevel political relations in the European framework.

  9. 9.

    EU Law, especially that based on the Court of Justice jurisprudence, has created numerous “autonomous” concepts, particular to European integration, which are making necessary a reconsideration of the Theory of Law. These are new legal phenomena or an adaptation of classical concepts to the new legal realities. Examples of these can be found in Subject C-540/09, Skandinaviska Enskilda Banken AB Monsgrupp v. Skatteverket. A work of analysis of autonomous concepts in EU jurisprudence: Weiler, et al. (2003).

  10. 10.

    See the theory of systems and their interdependence in Luhmann (2006).

  11. 11.

    In this respect, we agree with Bermann (1994).

  12. 12.

    Based on Kelsenian formalism but introducing criteria of material legitimacy in norms, especially in those of a constitutional nature, we regard as applicable in this respect the arguments of Wroblewski (1985).

  13. 13.

    The Congress of The Hague (1948) already affirmed the need to create a federal Europe. The Resolution of the Political Commission of the Congress leaves no room for doubt. It was a question of transferring sovereignty to pave the way for a Union or Federation, open to all the democratic nations of Europe that would commit to respecting a Charter of Human Rights. The idea also includes convening a European Assembly, elected by the parliaments of the participating nations, which would recommend the appropriate measures in order to gradually establish a federal Europe. Also proposed was the creation of a Court of Justice, wherein citizens might apply, which would have the power to sanction violations of people’s rights. Also mentioned was the objective of guaranteeing the security of countries via a Federation that is independent of any power and which would not represent a threat to any nation. La documentation française. Notes et études documentaires, n° 1081, 26 February 1949, p. 9.

  14. 14.

    See Freixes (2010), quoted, pp. 40–53.

  15. 15.

    The non-petrification of legal institutions and, on the other hand, the creation of new ones when altering them might well lead to not identifying them, had already been advocated by Romano (1917 and 1918).

  16. 16.

    See, on this subject, the following works: Romano (1917 and 1918), quoted in the previous note. Hauriou (1925), Häberle (1997), and MacCormick and Weinbergen (1986).

  17. 17.

    Art. 78 TFEU.

  18. 18.

    Art. 6.3 TEU.

  19. 19.

    Art. 6.3 TEU. Art. 6.2 TEU states that the Union must adhere to the European Convention on Human Rights.

  20. 20.

    Art. 151 TFEU.

  21. 21.

    Art. 6.1 TEU.

  22. 22.

    Pernice (2004).

  23. 23.

    Grimm (1995).

  24. 24.

    Habermas (1995).

  25. 25.

    For all, the Ruling of 23 April, 1986. Subject 294/83 “The Greens” (rec., p. 1339).

  26. 26.

    Indeed, Art. 16 of the revolutionary Constitution states that the society which has neither division of powers nor guarantee of rights has no Constitution.

  27. 27.

    Works such as that coordinated by Bilancia and De Marco (2004). Also in Policastro (2004). These publications have had a significant impact upon the debate regarding multilevel constitutionalism, extending it to the new EU Member States resulting from the enlargements of 2004 and 2007, and to Japan. In the USA, Weiler also reflected this debate, as can be seen in the work coordinated along with Wind (2004).

  28. 28.

    For the case of Spain, see Freixes (2006).

  29. 29.

    European Governance. A White Paper. European Commission. Brussels, 25.7.2001. COM (2001) 428 end.

  30. 30.

    Freixes.

  31. 31.

    See this process in Freixes (2005).

  32. 32.

    Prodi (2011).

  33. 33.

    Still accessible today on Internet, at the website of the European Parliament: http://collections.europarchive.org/ea/20050224203342/europa.eu.int/constitution/futurum/index_es.htm.

  34. 34.

    For a detailed analysis of the treatment given to the regions in this process, see Freixes (2005). Quoted.

  35. 35.

    Freixes (2006).

  36. 36.

    Reaffirming multilevel constitutionalism after the Treaty of Lisbon, see Pernice (2009).

  37. 37.

    Art. 51 TEU status that the Protocols and Annexes of the Treaties form an integral part of the same.

  38. 38.

    All of them are regulated in Art. 12 TEU.

  39. 39.

    Art. 12.b TEU.

  40. 40.

    Art. 12.f TEU.

  41. 41.

    Art. 51 of the Treaty of the European Union (Lisbon) states precisely that “The Protocols and Annexes of the Treaties form an integral part of the same”.

  42. 42.

    One of the arguments employed in federalist spheres was that the introduction of the “early warning”, strengthening the role of national parliaments, recalled the old Parliamentary Assembly, formed by representatives of the parliaments of the Member States that had no legislative capacity and predecessor of the European Parliament, until the introduction of the election of the latter via universal suffrage. Certainly, if national parliaments frequently used the power to veto legislative initiatives of the European Union, the role of the European Parliament as potential co-legislator and, above all, of the European Commission as depositary of legislative initiative, could be compromised.

  43. 43.

    Art. 7.3.b) of Protocol n°2, on the application of the principles of subsidiarity and proportionality.

  44. 44.

    Art. 8 of Protocol n°2, on the application of the principles of subsidiarity and proportionality.

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Freixes, T. (2013). Multilevel Constitutionalism and Federalism: Reflections upon the Congress on “The Path to Federalism in the State of Autonomies”. In: López Basaguren, A., Escajedo San Epifanio, L. (eds) The Ways of Federalism in Western Countries and the Horizons of Territorial Autonomy in Spain. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-27720-7_4

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