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Hans Philip Fuchs von Bimbach (ca. 1567–1626), Patron of Simon Marius

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Simon Marius and His Research

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Abstract

The colonel, later general Hans Philip Fuchs von Bimbach (ca. 1567–1626) was for some years the most influential official at the court of the Protestant Margrave Joachim Ernst of Brandenburg-Ansbach and was engaged as a diplomat beyond the state’s borders. However, later he fell out with the Margrave and entered into imperial (i.e., Catholic) service. He changed sides again and finally fell at the Battle of Lutter in the service of the Danish crown. Fuchs von Bimbach informed Simon Marius about the invention of the telescope already in the autumn of 1608 and as patron helped him to obtain one of the first copies. Thus, he seems to have played a considerable role in the early history of the telescope. This article gives biographical data about Fuchs von Bimbach. It attempts to define more precisely his role in the first astronomical applications of the telescope and also presents new insights into Simon Marius’s work.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Also contains leads to literature on the Franconian knights and the Fuchs families.

  2. 2.

    Köbler 1999, p. 184, lists only four of these lines.

  3. 3.

    https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bimbach_%28Prichsenstadt%29 (accessed on May 2, 2016).

  4. 4.

    However, he must have known his relatives there, as in 1581 his father became one of the custodians of mentally ill Hans Dietrich Fuchs von Bimbach zu Bimbach (ca. 1522–1586) and his children (Müller 2001, p. 11).

  5. 5.

    An extract of the family’s genealogy over eight generations can be found in Flurschütz da Cruz 2014, p. 385; compare the not clearly structured but complementary genealogical tabloids in Biedermann 1747, Tittmann 1998, p. 93, und Müller 2001, p. 13.

  6. 6.

    https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/M%C3%B6hren_%28Treuchtlingen%29 (last accessed on May 17, 2016).

  7. 7.

    https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fuchs_%28Adelsgeschlecht%29 (last accessed on May 7, 2016), with further references. To the later history of the family line, see also Rößner/Hammerich 2011.

  8. 8.

    Some biographic dates were, if not otherwise noted, extracted from Buchner/Mavridis (2009). See section “Source Situation and Approaches for Further Researches” for a discussion of this biography.

  9. 9.

    Also called Endriß, Andreas, or Andrä. Endres stated he was 79 years old in 1598 (Schöndorf 2006, note 6); Schöndorf concludes, “somit dürfte das Geburtsjahr 1519 feststehen” (“so 1519 as the year of birth should be certain”), what is not correct as his birth could just as well have been at the end of 1518. Müller 2001, p. 13 (family tree), indicates without proof 1522 as the year of birth, and Flurschütz da Cruz 2014, p. 385 (genealogy), names none. The year of death 1599 is given in both family trees and also by Biedermann 1747, Tabvla LIX. Ludwig 1968 gives 1519 to 1592 as the dates of his life but 1592 is verifiably wrong.

  10. 10.

    Ludwig 1968, p. 42, and Rechter 1997, p. 124, both refer to two different archival sources.

  11. 11.

    Rechter 1997, p. 124, with archival references. Schöndorf (2006) calls her Magdalena.

  12. 12.

    Rechter 1997, p. 108; he cites an archival source according to which she was the sister of Heinrich Fuchs von Bimbach. Heinrich existed in the line Bimbach-Gleisenau (Flurschütz da Cruz 2014, p. 385). According to Biedermann 1747, Tabvla LVIII, she was the sister of Hans Diet[e]rich from the line Bimbach-Bimbach. This genealogical confusion shows how insufficiently the family has been studied to date.

  13. 13.

    Rechter 1997, p. 124, names November 28 with reference to an archival source. Ludwig 1968 sets December 18 as the date of marriage with reference to a Neuburg parish register. Schöndorf 2006, p. 6, names December 8. Between each of these three dates lie 10 days; it should be investigated whether one of the authors converted from the Julian to the Gregorian calendar though 1566 was before the Gregorian calendar reform of 1582.

  14. 14.

    See Schmidt/Müller 2001 for his parish register with numerous cases of premarital or illegitimate relationships among commoners.

  15. 15.

    Schöndorf 2006, p. 6; Biedermann 1747, Tabvla LIX. In 1587 Anna Maria married a Kämmerer (chamberlain) of Palatinate-Neuburg. Zwanziger 1919, p. 23, gives 1557 as the year of her birth which can’t be correct. This date is from Biedermann, ibidem, and obviously refers to the husband’s year of birth.

  16. 16.

    This assumption in the literature has no source and presumably dates back to Biedermann (ibidem), who lists the brothers in this order. Apparently he had no birth dates so the order could well be random. A comparison of his Tabvla LVIII with the genealogical table in Müller 2001, p. 13, shows that Biedermann made the list not in the order of birth but on graphical principles in order to better illustrate the family lines. Therefore the widespread view that Hans Philip was the eldest son seems unsubstantiated to me.

  17. 17.

    Biedermann 1747, Tabvla LIX: Here the son is called Johann Carl but he might have been called Hans Carl.

  18. 18.

    Biedermann, ibidem, “kam an[no] 1607. im Wasser ums Leben” (“died in water in 1607”); Zwanziger 1919, p. 23, “ertrank 1608 in der Donau” (“drowned in the Danube in 1608”); Veh 1984–1985, p. 150, “war der bedrohten Stadt zu Hilfe geeilt und hatte durch Sturz vom Pferd das Leben verloren” (“rushed to help the threatend town [Donauwörth that was occupied by Catholic troops in December 1607] and lost his life falling from his horse”); ibidem, p. 151, note 36, “dem in Donauwörth 1607 verunglückten Ludwig Veit” (“the in Donauwörth in 1607 lethally injured Ludwig Veit”); Flurschütz da Cruz 2014, p. 385 (genealogy), “† 1607.”

  19. 19.

    Zwanziger 1919, p. 23; Veh 1984–1985, p. 151, note 36: “hatte nach 1603, im kaiserlichen Dienst gegen die Türken in Ungarn kämpfend, bei Kaschau den Tod gefunden” (“lost his life near Kaschau after 1603 fighting in imperatorial service against the Turks in Hungary”). Košice (German: Kaschau) today lies in Eastern Slovakia near the Hungarian border.

  20. 20.

    Lent 2006 names “ca. 1567,” Buchner/Mavridis 2009 “about 1568,” Flurschütz da Cruz 2014, p. 385 (genealogy), “ca. 1567.” Ludwig 1968, p. 42 and note 118, calculated a birth around 1567 from the average age of the Tertiani of the “Gymnasium illustre” in Lauingen.

  21. 21.

    Biedermann 1747, Tabvla LIX, without further details about this stay.

  22. 22.

    See section “Simon Marius in Padua” in Chap. 2. According to Zwanziger 1919, p. 24, he couldn’t be found in the university registers of either Altdorf or Heidelberg.

  23. 23.

    “A good knowledge, in the arts of calculating, measuring, war and peace architecture and also some knowledge of serious and joyful celebrating and in geography should be achieved.” Rößner 2003, p. 106, s.a. p. 105 and the introduction to this book.

  24. 24.

    The French language, riding, fencing and dancing.

  25. 25.

    Veh 1984–1985, p. 146. Veh refers to information from the Österreichisches Staatsarchiv (State Archives of Austria) about the military career of Hans Philip.

  26. 26.

    Veh 1984–1985, p. 146. Biedermann 1747, Tabvla LIX, calls Hans Philip and Carl only “Fuchs zu Bimbach,” Ludwig Veit instead “Fuchs von Bimbach zu Mehren anno 1599.” A chronicle about Möhren (Boller 1834, p. 8) placed Ludwig Veit at the beginning: “1599 folgten dem Andrä Fuchs seine drei Söhne—Veit Ludwig, Hans Philipp und Hans Karl im Besitze von Möhren […]” (“In 1599 the three sons of Andrä Fuchs followed him in the possession of Möhren—Veit Ludwig, Hans Philipp and Hans Karl”). Note that the third brother is called “Hans Karl” here—maybe a confusion with Ludwig Veit’s son.

  27. 27.

    Veh 1984–1985, p. 146, claims without reference that Hans Philip, “obschon ältester der drei Söhne” (“though the eldest of the three sons”), was “nicht dazu bestimmt worden, als Majoratsherr das Rittergut zu übernehmen, sondern sollte im gehobenen Hofdienst eines Landesherrn auf militärischem oder diplomatisch-verwaltungsmäßigem Gebiet sein Glück machen.” (“not designated to assume responsibility of the manor as lord but should find his luck at the court of a sovereign in military or diplomatic-administration service”). But Veh claims several demonstrably wrong or very doubtful facts about Fuchs von Bimbach and Simon Marius, so that his statements are not to be trusted.

  28. 28.

    Boller 1834, p. 8: “His two brothers celebrated his funeral service here and invited Duke Philipp Ludwig of Neuburg who joined the funeral services dressed resplendently.”

  29. 29.

    Zwanziger 1919, p. 23, who calls the nephew Karl Johann. Biedermann, ibidem, gives “Johann Carl.” “Johann Karl” is indicated in the genealogy at Flurschütz da Cruz 2014, p. 385.

  30. 30.

    For details about his time at the Ansbach court, see Herold 1973; for the numerous references to Fuchs von Bimbach, see the personal register or search for “Fuchs” in the digital copy.

  31. 31.

    “We met in the year 1601 outside of Vienna and Preßburg [Bratislava], when we were the lieutenant colonels of the Archduke Hanß Ernst von Anhalt.” Cited after Jähns 1890, p. 925; cf. section “Fuchs von Bimbach as a Military Author”. This was certainly Johann Ernst von Anhalt-Zerbst (1578–1601), who died in December 22, 1601, in Vienna and who was significantly younger than his inferior Fuchs von Bimbach; compare his criticism of too young and unexperienced colonels (section “Fuchs von Bimbach as a Military Author”).

  32. 32.

    To the history of the castle, see especially Veh 1984–1985, also [Unterschwaningen] 2009 and https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Unterschwaningen (last access May 17, 2016).

  33. 33.

    Jähns 1890, p. 922, who used Fuchs von Bimbach’s own report (cf. section “Fuchs von Bimbach as a Military Author”).

  34. 34.

    Marius 1614/1916/2019, Preface.

  35. 35.

    See the comparison with Marius in Chap. 2.

  36. 36.

    See Chap. 2.

  37. 37.

    According to Herold 1973, p. 67, note 79: Württembergische Landesbibliothek, Stuttgart, Handschriftenabt., Cod. milit. 2° 65. Herold was the first to point to Fuchs von Bimbach as the author. A summary can be found in Jähns 1890, pp. 922–925 and 1034.

  38. 38.

    Rudolf II (1552–1612).

  39. 39.

    Jähns 1890, p. 923: “Under Emperor Rudolf the young and unexperienced men, especially persons of high rank, were preferred to experienced colonels, because they were satisfied with low salaries and didn’t contradict the often wrong orders from Vienna.” This quote presents not Fuchs von Bimbach’s own words but an analogous rendition by Jähns.

  40. 40.

    Quoted after Jähns 1890, p. 924: “The German women were of use to the soldiers in Hungary for carrying their gear and caring for them in case of illness. One rarely finds one that carries less than 50 or 60 pounds; as the soldier has no grocery or other goods, he loads her up with straw or firewood, not to mention that some carry one, two or more children on their back.”

  41. 41.

    Jähns 1890, p. 925: “in insignificant details modified copy of the ‘Instruction’ by Landgrave Maurice of Hesse from the year 1600, which however is not named.” “Chapter IV gives a short summary of fireworks without special value.”

  42. 42.

    Detailed, partly contradictory data inter alia in Zwanziger 1919–1920 and Veh 1984–1985.

  43. 43.

    Veh 1984–1985, p. 151, with reference to a note from the Österreichisches Staats-Kriegsarchiv (Austrian State Military Archive).

  44. 44.

    Concerning the artillery officers in the foot soldier troops of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, see https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Landsknecht#Artillerie (accessed May 2, 2016) and the literature given there. The statements might also be basically valid for the beginning of the seventeenth century.

  45. 45.

    Lichtenstein 1850, p. 143: “Tall and corpulent as he was, his body armor was uncomfortable on hot battle days, instead he wore a white, silk doublet and over this a short, light, grey tunic (Casake), so that his tall figure was easily recognizable everywhere. Wounded he, who first was thought to be the King by some Catholic League soldiers, did not accept the offered pardon and was, lethally injured by several blows, brought still alive to Nauen in the King’s former quarters, the Riemenschneider Court, and laid on a bank behind the oven. He ordered them to bury him here where he had fallen, to respect his grave and then he passed away.”

  46. 46.

    Zwanziger 1920, p. 15; Buchner/Mavridis 2009, p. 77; in both cases without naming sources. Buchner/Mavridis call this inheritance a spoil of war which is inaccurate.

  47. 47.

    Cf. Chap. 2.

  48. 48.

    Veh 1984–1985, p. 151, note 36: “Johann Philip had—it is not known when—lost his right eye.” This statement might have made on the basis of the portrait and so have no validity.

  49. 49.

    Wien, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Bildarchiv und Grafiksammlung, Porträtsammlung, Inventar-Nr. PORT_00099848_01, Digitized version with high resolution: http://www.portraitindex.de/documents/obj/oai:baa.onb.at:7847095; this version contains the typing error “Wimbach” instead of “Bimbach” in the cartouche and in the sign of the image, what indicates a draft or a very early version.

  50. 50.

    Berlin, Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin—Preußischer Kulturbesitz, Handschriftenabteilung, Inventar-Nr. Portr. Slg/Mil. m/Fuchs von Bimbach, Johann Philipp, Nr. 1, b019047, Digitized version: http://www.portraitindex.de/documents/obj/33017232

  51. 51.

    The later version is held in different archives and has been published several times; see also https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Datei:Fuchs_von_Bimbach.png (seen May 26, 2016).

  52. 52.

    Marius 1614/1916/2019, Preface.

  53. 53.

    Christianson 2000, p. 320: “Galileo [...] rushed into print with his discoveries [...] to achieve the scientific and patronage triumph of his carreer. Marius was already assured of patronage and did not rush [...]”.

  54. 54.

    Van Helden 1977, pp. 35–36; cf. Willach 2007, p. 109. The following statements about the general history of the telescope are based on these two publications. There is also an English version of Willach 2007, 2008.

  55. 55.

    See the discussion of this question in Van Helden 1977, pp. 21–22.

  56. 56.

    See Chap. 2.

  57. 57.

    It has been examined in detail, for the court of Landgrave Maurice of Hesse-Kassel (reigned 1592–1627), how regularly and to what extent royal courts satisfied their needs for consumer goods and luxury at the fairs in Frankfurt and Leipzig: Becker 1991.

  58. 58.

    [Orth] 1765, pp. 64–65 and 544–546; see also the quote in the chapter “Priority, reception and rehabilitation of Simon Marius” by Pierre Leich (Chap. 15).

  59. 59.

    [Orth] 1765, p. 66; Dietz 1910/1970, p. 40. I owe the reference to the last source to Dr. Michael Matthäus, Institut für Stadtgeschichte, Frankfurt am Main.

  60. 60.

    Wohlwill 1926, p. 347: “According to inquiries I made in the Frankfurt archives, the Frankfurt fall fair of 1608 was opened on September 12 […].” In his researches, Wohlwill does not take the calendar differences into consideration as he continues: “erst drei Wochen später bildet das Patentgesuch des Brillenmachers Johann Lippersher zum erstenmal den Gegenstand der Beratungen der holländischen Generalstaaten.” (“It was only 3 weeks later that the patent application of the spectacle maker Johann Lippersher was for the first time part of the consultations of the States General of the Netherlands.”)

  61. 61.

    Compare Marius’s own calendar for 1608: two digital copies in libraries are linked on the Marius Portal.

  62. 62.

    “Begin of the fall fair trade. NB. Fair was rung [i.e. announced by bell ringing] on Thursday of the Nativity of Mary before the beginning of the fair.” Diurnal of 1608/09, Institut für Stadtgeschichte, Frankfurt am Main, Call number: Rechneiamt: Bücher 448, fol. 24v; by kind information from Dr. Michael Matthäus, Institut für Stadtgeschichte, Frankfurt am Main, E-Mail of July 5, 2016.

  63. 63.

    “As on Monday the 3rd October 1608 after completion of the fair, the field gates were opened, is from this time the latest fair finally over […].” Ibidem, fol. 37v.

  64. 64.

    Krabbe [ca. 1605], p. [62]: “Franckfurt am Mayn helt Meß/[…]/Die 2. [d.h. Herbstmesse] auff Marie Geburt.”; Transl.: “Frankfurt am Main held a fair/[…]/The 2nd [i.e. fall fair] on the Nativity of Mary.” I owe this information to Dr. Klaus-Dieter Herbst, Jena. Link to the corresponding page: http://reader.digitalesammlungen.de/de/fs1/object/display/bsb10392756_00062.html

  65. 65.

    Dietz 1910/1970, p. 44: “The convoys left for the most part already on Tuesday in the third week. The one from Hesse-Darmstadt left finally on Saturday afternoon.”

  66. 66.

    To traveling speed, see, for example, https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Reisegeschwindigkeit

  67. 67.

    Marius 1614/1916/2019, Preface.

  68. 68.

    “that in all probability it must have been Sacharias Janssen.” Willach 2007, p. 111; Wohlwill 1926, p. 347, calls this “a very weak proof.” I couldn’t examine the original publication.

  69. 69.

    Dijkstra 2012, p. 137. For a summary of Dijkstra’s thesis, see the chapter “In the Turmoil of the Early 17th-century Cosmology Debate—Simon Marius as a Supporter of the Tychonic System” by Pierre Leich in the present volume.

  70. 70.

    Marius 1614/1916/2019, Preface.

  71. 71.

    Klug 1906, p. 410: “The Belgian demanded a large amount of money; so the trade was abandoned.”

  72. 72.

    Please note that the English and the German translations differ. The English one reads: “The Belgian demanded a large price, and when he understood that he could not get what he first asked, they parted without coming to terms.” The German one is: “Der Belgier forderte eine hohe Geldsumme. Als Philipp nun kennengelernt hatte, was er aufs erste Mal nicht erhalten konnte, schied man also unverrichteter Dinge voneinander.” (Marius 1614/1988, p. 38 [“The Belgian demanded a large amount of money. As Philipp had seen what he couldn’t get at the first time, they left without having achieved anything.”] The English translation more clearly suggests a relation between the large price and the fact that Fuchs did not obtain the instrument.

  73. 73.

    Marius 1614/1916/2019, Preface.

  74. 74.

    Willach 2007, p. 109: “the telescopic effect was certainly common knowledge among the spectacle makers and scholars.”

  75. 75.

    Marius 1614/1916/2019, Preface.

  76. 76.

    Willach 2007, p. 116: “that only a good spectacle maker with a large reserve of lenses for his attempts could succeed in the invention. Scholars and semi-scholars […] who at the best had half a dozen lenses, had only a very small chance.”

  77. 77.

    Willach 2007, pp. 112–117. For new insights in the history of telescope invention, see also Van Helden 2009.

  78. 78.

    Klug 1906, p. 410: “the mystery of completion wouldn’t reveal to them [the spectacle makers].”

  79. 79.

    Marius 1614/1916/2019, Preface.

  80. 80.

    Dijkstra 2012, p. 138. I owe the reference to this dissertation to Dr. Günther Oestmann, Bremen.

  81. 81.

    To John Baptist Leuccius, see section “Life at Court and Publications”, Chap. 2.

  82. 82.

    Marius 1614/1916/2019, Preface.

  83. 83.

    Marius 1614/1916/2019, Preface.

  84. 84.

    Marius 1614/1916/2019, Preface.

  85. 85.

    Marius 1610, sig. A3v: “First in warfare/those who prepare the quarters/build or deconstruct redoubts/fortresses/with things or ordnance/works […] How many craftsmen are there whose craft is based only on geometry?”.

  86. 86.

    Marius 1610, sig. A4r: “Which large errors are made by land surveyors? In my opinion never or rarely two are found who agree on the facit [result] […].”

  87. 87.

    Marius 1610, sig. A3v: “are the complete basis and fundament of geometry” and “inevitably must be used in many actions.”

  88. 88.

    Marius 1610, sig. A4r: “not only […] due to me that I requested their Mathematicum [mathematician, i.e. Marius] this translation into German, which couldn’t be made without some effort and omissions, and possibly kept him from other duties; however are most graciously content with him […].”

  89. 89.

    Marius 1610, sig. A5r: “was made by order of the most noble and strict gentleman Hanß Philips Fuchßen von Bimbach etc. who is not only a special enthusiast and sponsor of geometry but considers the introduction and fundament for those willing to learn to exercise therein as urgently necessary and recognizes through his manifold inquiries, experiments and cogitation the massive and primitive errors land surveyors have in common in this and therefore in buying and selling proceed with large and obvious errors […].”

  90. 90.

    Condottieri were Italian leaders of soldiers up to the sixteenth century who for better salary often changed sides, even during a battle.

  91. 91.

    Herold 1973, p. 65: “that he didn’t remain untouched by the tendency to adventurism of his time that overemphasized individuality and supported condottierism. His political decisions were always tainted with something foolhardy. Moreover Joachim Ernst’s religious ties were not very deep.”

  92. 92.

    Flurschütz da Cruz 2014, p. 14: “Noblemen of the 16th century seemed to have conflicts with everyone.”

  93. 93.

    To get an impression of the different matters and people for which Fuchs was responsible as a colonel, read, for example, the detailed Wikipedia article about foot soldiers: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Landsknecht

  94. 94.

    On the different incidents and reproaches, see Zwanziger 1919, p. 26, Herold 1973, and Veh 1984–1985.

  95. 95.

    How dubious, at least partly, the accusations were from today’s standpoint, one of the reproaches claims: Fuchs would use magic to make himself bulletproof (Zwanziger 1919, p. 26). Compare Herold 1973, pp. 43–44 on the accusations.

  96. 96.

    Lichtenstein 1850, pp. 144–145: “Fuchs was held in high standing by friend and foe as an older, experienced and cunning colonel and was the most excellent officer of the royal [Danish] army.”

  97. 97.

    Quoted from Rößner 2003, p. 105: “follow the footsteps of the erstwhile Hans Philip Fuchs von Bimbach and may leave as posthumous fame that he achieved in the previously mentioned sciences and as a colonel […].”

  98. 98.

    Lauterbach 1783, pp. 16–17; the entry gives two older books as sources.

  99. 99.

    In his translation of Marius (1614/1988), the first name Philipp repeatedly stands for Fuchs von Bimbach but is missing in the Latin original at these points. Because of the special sentence construction in Latin without personal pronouns, translations have to insert one or a name. See also the use of a singular “Philipp” in Schlör 2012.

  100. 100.

    Another publication that uses a singular “Philipp” is Ritter 1870, p. 451, in a note by the publisher, not in a document. This might have been Ritter’s error; the index p. 744 has “Johann Philipp.”

  101. 101.

    For example, Dijkstra 2012, p. 136.

  102. 102.

    Meyer 1892, p. 56: “The choice of the University of Padua might also have been the circumstance that his fellow countryman, the Ansbachian margravian privy councilor and colonel, Baron Hans Philipp von Fuchs-Bimbach auf Möhren, […] received his academic education at the same university in 1587.”

  103. 103.

    https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hans_Philipp_von_Fuchs_von_Bimbach (Versions from April 25, 2016 and before, corrected by me on June 23, 2016).

  104. 104.

    Fuchs von Bimbach, Hans Philipp, http://d-nb.info/gnd/1026798078 (last seen May 17, 2016).

  105. 105.

    Wolfschmidt 2012, p. 219 and 225: “Already in 1608 Janssen presented his telescope at the Frankfurt fair.” “In the fall of 1608 Marius heard from the artillery officer, Baron Hans Philip Fuchs von Bimbach that telescopes were offered for sale at the Frankfurt fair […].”

  106. 106.

    Compare, for example, Van Helden (1975) who wrote inaccurately “that a Belga was trying to sell a telescope at the autumn fair at Frankfurt in 1608.”

  107. 107.

    For example, by Christianson 2000, p. 320: “peddler.”

  108. 108.

    For example: Van Helden 1974, p. 39, note 3: “It seems thus likely that Galileo constructed his first telescope in much the same way as Simon Marius did”; Dijkstra 2012, p. 137: “received their first working specimen from the Netherlands, which enabled Marius to construct new telescopes”; Riekher 1990, p. 21: “Nach diesen Angaben [von Fuchs] ist es gelungen, ein Fernrohr zu bauen.” (“With this information [from Fuchs] it was possible to build a telescope.”) But Rolf Riekher could use only inadequate literature about Marius for the first edition of his book in 1957—especially the good translation of Mundus Iovialis by Joachim Schlör was lacking and he had to base himself on Klug 1906.

  109. 109.

    Van Helden 2011 [1997], p. 510: “Simon Marius in Ansbach probably obtained his first spyglass as early as October 1608.”

  110. 110.

    Friedrich 1989, p. 196: “General Fuchs was also among the dead on the Protestant side […]. This Bavarian warhorse, whose full name was Hans Philipp Freiherr Fuchs von Rimbach [sic] was a quite extraordinary personality. He was actually an astronomer and played a decisive role in Galileo Galilei’s discovery of the four moons of Jupiter in 1610. Besides Fuchs was a mathematician and publisher of the first 15 books of the ancient Greek mathematician Euclid. Only he knows what drove him to war.”

  111. 111.

    http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Schlacht_bei_Lutter (Version from February 21, 2016 and before, corrected by me June 23, 2016); the incorrect lineage goes back to Lichtenstein 1850, p. 143: “Aus dem Kursächsischen gebürtig” (“Born in the Electorate of Saxony”).

  112. 112.

    Fuchs v. Bimbach, Hans Philipp. In: DBL 1. Reproduktion: Scandinavian Biographical Archive (SBA). Mikrofiches. London [u.a.]: Saur [1990], I A–89, 192–193. I consulted the online version in World Biographical Information System (WBIS) Online, http://db.saur.de/WBIS/. Later editions: Rockstroh; DBL 3 (the latter couldn’t be consulted yet).

  113. 113.

    Herold 1973, “Ungedruckte Quellen” (unpublished sources) and numerous individual references particularly to H. Ph. Fuchs von Bimbach in the text; Flurschütz da Cruz 2014, “Quellen und Archive” (sources and archives). Zwanziger 1919, p. 24, mentions a “handschriftlichen Nachlaß Hans Philipps im Kreisarchiv zu Nürnberg” (manuscript paper of Hans Philipp in the Nuremberg District Archives).

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Dick, W.R. (2018). Hans Philip Fuchs von Bimbach (ca. 1567–1626), Patron of Simon Marius. In: Gaab, H., Leich, P. (eds) Simon Marius and His Research. Historical & Cultural Astronomy. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-92621-6_3

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