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More Legitimate, Less Fragile, Less Liberal? The Adoption and Adaptation of Elections in Afghanistan

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Governance and Political Adaptation in Fragile States
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Abstract

This chapter challenges the way in which political fragility is defined by international actors in reference to Afghanistan. One of the world’s 15 ‘extremely fragile’ states, according to the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD), the country is considered vulnerable ‘to risks inherent in political processes, events or decisions’ (OECD, States of Fragility, 2016, 23). An exploration of one such political process—elections—in Afghanistan demonstrates how narrow definitions of fragility and a lack of legitimacy, measured according to international liberal criteria, serve to dismiss local adaptations of elections as undemocratic. Yet these adaptations are the very means through which elections are cemented in to the broader political landscape, and in the longer term, may counter fragility. The chapter considers two trends in Afghan elections since 2004: first, the increased usage at the local level of preexisting political practices influencing electoral processes, such as collective decision-making and consensus, but the decreased efficacy of the same. At the same time, a second trend has seen each electoral cycle provide the stage for more sophisticated and impactful forms of fraud as the perceived perks of a seat in parliament or on a provincial council have increased exponentially. Elections that were intended to reverse political fragility and bad governance have done the opposite. The chapter argues that it is not the ‘Afghanisation’ of elections that renders them increasingly undemocratic or fraudulent but instead broader contextual factors including a vast flow of unchecked international resources, elite competition to control the process, a lack of rule of law, and persistent international intervention in electoral outcomes related to simultaneous military stabilisation. A different approach to elections—one that prioritises familiarity with candidates and resilience against outside interference, above liberal principles—could enhance political legitimacy at the local level. Efforts to counter political fragility can only begin when legitimacy is defined locally.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The term ‘international actors’ is used throughout the chapter to denote a wide range of governmental and non-governmental organisations working in the field of state-building in Afghanistan since the US invasion in 2001. These include bilateral aid agencies such as the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), the UK government’s Department for International Development (DFID), the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA), among many others; multilateral aid agencies including the United Nations Development Program (UNDP); democracy-promoting organisations such as the National Democratic Institute (NDI), International Republican Institute (IRI), and the International Foundation for Electoral Systems (IFES); and private contractors such as Checchi and Development Alternatives, Inc (DAI).

  2. 2.

    Legitimacy, here, is used to mean publicly accepted political authority.

  3. 3.

    In this case, the British invaded Afghanistan in 1839, as a means to protect their interests in India, and considered the Amir, Dost Mohammed, an unwilling and unreliable puppet. Unseating the Amir and replacing him with his predecessor Shah Shuja was a bid to gain control over Afghan affairs. The British assumed that Shuja’s stronger connections to the established Saddozai dynasty would secure the legitimacy of his rule, but neglected to understand that Shuja had previously been able to pay his supporters considerably for their loyalty. No longer able to do this, under watchful British eyes, he lost public support quickly. In the space of six years, Dost Mohammed had returned to the throne. See Barfield 2010, 111–127.

  4. 4.

    Sources consulted for this paragraph include Barfield 2010, 165–270; Rubin 2002, 54–80; Saikal 2004; and Dupree 1980, 441–666.

  5. 5.

    Although Fukuyama would later concede that liberal democracy cannot be transplanted in any country irrespective of culture and tradition.

  6. 6.

    See, for example, the US President’s radio address, given by First Lady Laura Bush, Saturday 17 November 2001 (Bush 2001).

  7. 7.

    For more on the problems of using SNTV, see Reynolds and Wilder 2004.

  8. 8.

    One exception was in the 2010 parliamentary election for Nimroz province, in the remote southwest corner of Afghanistan. Only two parliamentary seats are allocated to this province given its small population, and one of these is reserved for women. Both seats were won by women candidates in 2010.

  9. 9.

    For expansions on these practices in different contexts, see Dupree 1963, 2, Wardak 2002, Smith and Manalan 2009, Coburn and Dempsey 2010, Coburn 2011, 76–84.

  10. 10.

    Interview, Member of Parliament for Farah province, 2007 (Cited in Wordsworth 2007, 25).

  11. 11.

    Interview, university student, Ghazni province, 2017.

  12. 12.

    For a more detailed account of these events, see Suhrke 2011, 178–181.

  13. 13.

    In 2014, a recording of a senior election official in Kabul inciting others to commit fraud was made public, causing outcry.

  14. 14.

    Suhrke labels this the ‘aid-and-war economy’ and states that in the 2007–2009 period alone, the US Department of Defense gave the go-ahead to work contracts in Afghanistan amounting to US$ 11.5 billion (2011, 133).

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Larson, A. (2019). More Legitimate, Less Fragile, Less Liberal? The Adoption and Adaptation of Elections in Afghanistan. In: Lahai, J., von Strokirch, K., Brasted, H., Ware, H. (eds) Governance and Political Adaptation in Fragile States. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90749-9_9

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