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Neapolitan Banks in the Context of Early Modern Public Banks

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Financial Innovation and Resilience

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Abstract

I examine the Neapolitan public banks, a group of non-profit institutions that emerged in the late sixteenth century, in the context of the early public banks that existed elsewhere in early modern Europe. In terms of size and stability, they compare well with their peers, in spite of a difficult political and economic environment. They were also remarkably financially advanced for their time. Their success is likely due to their ownership structure, governance and well-managed relationship with the monarchical authorities.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    I draw largely on previous work (Roberds and Velde 2016a, b, c) and refer the interested reader to the works cited therein, as well as to the surveys of Van Dillen (1934) and Ugolini (2017).

  2. 2.

    Less prominent institutions nevertheless arose elsewhere, such as in Palermo (in 1552), Milan (in 1599) and Rome (see the contributions in this volume by Luigi Balletta, Francesco Balletta and Eduardo Nappi; Giuseppe De Luca and Marcella Lorenzini; and Luciano Pezzolo).

  3. 3.

    See Hernández Esteve (2002) for a summary of the literature and a comparison with Naples.

  4. 4.

    On the history of the banks, in addition to the contributions in this volume by Costabile and Nappi, Balletta, Balletta and Nappi, and Avallone and Salvemini, see Somma (1860), Nisco (1866), Petroni (1871), Filangieri (1940), and Balletta (2008) and the overviews in Di Somma (1960) and De Rosa (2001, 2002). The documents in Tortora (1890) are particularly rich. On the securities (fedi) issued by the banks, see Ajello (1882) and Demarco (1985) as well as Palmieri (1905) and L. De Simone (1922) for later aspects; on the banks’ internal structure and accounting, see Rocco (1785), Di Somma (1960), Avallone (1991) and Demarco (1996). Studies of specific banks include De Rosa (1955), Di Somma (1960), E. De Simone (1974) and Avallone (1995). On public finance see Bianchini (1859), Calabria (1991), Bulgarelli Lukacs (1993) and De Rosa (1997, 1998). Published statutes are in Vario (1772) and Giustiniani (18031804); see especially the titles De Bancis, De Literis Cambii, De Monetis, De Nummularis.

  5. 5.

    When Carlo VII succeeded his brother as King Carlos III of Spain, he left the kingdom to his younger son Ferdinando I, who ruled until 1825 except during the French occupations of 1799 and 1806–1815. The Kingdom of the Two Sicilies (Naples and Sicily) was annexed by Italy in 1860.

  6. 6.

    Many early authors thought that its foundation was a consequence of the expulsion of the Jews from Naples by Charles V, but this has been disproved (Tortora 1890, 3–11). Similar institutions had been created throughout Italy in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries (see Barile 2012 for a recent survey).

  7. 7.

    Filangieri (1940, 14) and Demarco and Nappi (1985) say that the original document is not known and the motivations unclear.

  8. 8.

    Some documents (Tortora 1890, 64–65) suggest that Annunziata did not operate its own bank at the time but used a private banker and even agreed in 1580 to use only the bank of the Pietà for a period of three years.

  9. 9.

    I use each bank’s “circolazione” series (Balletta 2008) and interpolate missing observations.

  10. 10.

    There is a curious amount of variability in published estimates of the population of Naples. I have followed Muto (2013, 43); to his figures, I added an estimate of 400,000 right before the plague of 1656 and 200,000 right after (Fusco 2009) and interpolated to get annual estimates.

  11. 11.

    The Neapolitan term is correria (Tortora 1890, 169; D’Ambra 1873, 145).

  12. 12.

    The small coins, which were slightly overvalued were demonetized and bought by the mint at the new standard net of minting costs, so that a 10 per cent loss would be expected if they had been of full weight. Incredibly, their silver content fell short by two thirds, either because of extreme (!) clipping or else counterfeiting.

  13. 13.

    It seems that this was later modified by the next Viceroy (Tortora 1890, 187–190) to 40 per cent for deposits made between July 1622 and February 1623. There were additional claw-back provisions for deposits and transfers made in January and February 1622, widely believed to have been made in anticipation of the imminent reform, and there were suspicions that the banks accepted deposits of small coins even after the reform.

  14. 14.

    This measure seemed to open a twenty-year-long debt default (Calabria 1991, 128–129). The principal sums were not reduced, but interest payments were withheld frequently (continuously from 1630 to 1642) by a third or two thirds (Foscari 2006, 264–268).

  15. 15.

    “Omniaque mala ex Bancheriis provenere, ex causa mutui, quod particularibus faciebant, pro concursu negotiantium in eis.” Nihil novi sub sole

  16. 16.

    The fraud may have involved more than him; the fact that he died in prison two weeks after his arrest “trying to escape” suggests that he may have known too much (Tortora 1890, 88).

  17. 17.

    Senior employees were required to put up bond money; in addition, they were personally liable up to the values of their estates (Avallone 2017).

  18. 18.

    Rocco (1785, 2:23) explains the manner in which sequesters were placed on deposits when ordered by a judge.

  19. 19.

    Final discharge took another two centuries, and the association of the creditors of A.G.P. was only dissolved in 1880.

  20. 20.

    There is some disagreement over the exact date: Filangieri (1940, 93–94) places it in 1654, Di Somma (1960, 4, 71) in the mid-seventeenth century and no later than 1650, Avallone (1995, 14) in the 1630s at the latest, Sabatini (2013, 96) in 1606. After the 1622 crisis, a banking committee (Giunta dei Banchi) was formed by the Viceroy to oversee the ensuing liquidation, initially composed of six magistrates and six merchants, then six magistrates only (De Rosa 1987, 151), but it seems that this committee was ad hoc.

  21. 21.

    A third threat fought off by the city came in the 1720s, under Austrian administration, when a Banco di San Carlo was opened somewhat on the model of the Viennese bank (see the contribution by Clemens Jobst in this volume), though its main purpose seems to have been as a vehicle for a leveraged buyout of the state’s mortgaged assets (Di Vittorio 2009).

  22. 22.

    Demarco (1996, 47) argues that only a licensed bank could issue a fede di credito, although the early examples seem to run counter to that claim.

  23. 23.

    “I cambiamonete impegnano ne’ Banchi le monete forestierie, ed aspettano il tempo, onde si avanzi l’alaggio a loro profitto; e sovente è accaduto, che tali pegni per esser bassato l’alaggio, o altro, si sono trovati di minor valore della somma prestatavi, a danno de’ Banchi.” He further cites the case of one Leonardo Perillo who left Popolo with a large quantity of thalers.

  24. 24.

    There is the possibility that the balances frozen on the libri dei due terzi were discounted, but they were eventually redeemed.

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Velde, F.R. (2018). Neapolitan Banks in the Context of Early Modern Public Banks. In: Costabile, L., Neal, L. (eds) Financial Innovation and Resilience. Palgrave Studies in the History of Finance. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90248-7_10

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