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The Roles of Secular States in the Development of Contemporary Chinese Buddhism: A Cross-Strait Perspective on Buddhist Nunneries

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Abstract

When discussing Buddhism under People’s Republic of China (PRC) government supervision, some scholars implicitly or explicitly regard the development of Buddhism in China in a negative light, or are critical of the PRC government’s control of religions (e.g., Levering 1993; Chandler 2006; Qin 2000). Against this backdrop, this paper discusses, firstly, the religious life of present-day Chinese Buddhists through multiple case studies conducted at eight monastic institutions in China, with particular reference to whether and how monastics’ religious activities and everyday lives are subject to intervention or influence by past or current PRC government policies. Secondly, it discusses some of the nuanced differences between the religious lifestyles of Taiwanese and Chinese Buddhists: for, even though Taiwan and China both share similar contexts of Chinese Mahāyāna Buddhism, Buddhism in these two regions has different manifestations, in part because the Taiwanese state—though “secular” in the narrow sense of not promoting a particular state religion—has never attempted to ban public or private religious observance.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    An in-depth discussion of lay Buddhism in China is beyond the scope of this study. For further details, see Fisher (2011: 53–80).

  2. 2.

    Ji and Laliberté both refer to Welch’s data (1967: 411) as a source for the fact that there were more than 267,000 Buddhist monasteries and 738,000 monks and nuns in the period 1937–1945.

  3. 3.

    Article 13 (in Chapter I) of the Constitution of the Republic of China (Taiwan) says: ‘people have freedom of religious beliefs.’ To some extent, the Taiwanese government practises the principle of ‘separation of religion and politics’ (zhengjiao fenli 政教分離): every religion in Taiwan is respected and has the freedom to propagate its faith to the public and make its own religious decisions and policies, and officials avoid intervening in religious affairs. For details, see Laliberté (2004).

  4. 4.

    In this study, ‘vinaya-centric’ institutions are defined as those whose members eagerly follow rigorous interpretation and practice of traditional vinaya rules to the letter, as a priority of their religious lives. These monasteries rigidly observe some rules (e.g., fasting after midday) that other ones might treat more flexibly. However, it would be wrong to assume that other monasteries outside the category of ‘vinaya-centric’ institutions are lax in discipline or not based on vinaya. Each has its own representative characteristics and different foci in its religious practices.

  5. 5.

    For a general introduction, see Birnbaum (2003: 438–439).

  6. 6.

    Zhao Puchu 趙樸初 (1907–2000), president of the BAC from 1980 to 2000.

  7. 7.

    Puchu Zhao, “A Report Regarding the Originated Process of the Chinese Buddhist Association and its Preparing Work,” Modern Buddhism 6 (1953): 6.

  8. 8.

    Shih Jing Hui, “Illustration of Three Documentary Drafts: Regarding the Procedures for the Management and Administration of Three Platform Monastic Ordination in Nationwide Chinese Buddhist Temples,” in The Voice of Dharmam, vol. 4, 1997.

  9. 9.

    Unlike Taiwanese nuns, who outnumber monks by three to one, there are far more monks than nuns in China. If nuns comprise around 30% of the total number of Buddhist clergy in the PRC, then they number around 60,000–70,000 (including Tibetan nuns) based on the following website: http://m.niseng.org/plus/view.php?aid=1355 (accessed 24 January 2018).

  10. 10.

    Currently there are between 15,000 (the number is from Shih Chao-Hwei’s book [2002: 93]) and 22,500 estimated by DeVido (2010: 1 and 120 n4).

  11. 11.

    As a rule, most books and articles today use the pinyin system to transcribe Chinese names, place-names and terms. I have done the same throughout this article. Nevertheless, when referring to Taiwanese authors or masters, I have opted to use their personal Romanization, as they appear on their websites, books or articles.

  12. 12.

    An in-depth discussion of the Tzu Chi organization is beyond the scope of this research since most of its members are laypeople. For a detailed introduction, see Huang (2009), and Yao (2012).

  13. 13.

    The practice of burning at ordination occurs only in Chinese Buddhism. For a detailed introduction to the custom’s history in ancient China, see Benn (2007: 303–310), and Welch (1967: 298–300).

  14. 14.

    For further information about ordination, see the website of State Administration for Religions Affairs of PRC: http://www.sara.gov.cn/zcfg/573643.htm (accessed 24 January 2018).

  15. 15.

    After the PRC government came to power in China in 1949, many refugee Mainland monks came to Taiwan. In 1953, the Buddhist ordination ceremony was regarded as the first postwar transmission of higher ordination by the Buddhist Association of the Republic of China. For details, see Jones (1999: 97–136).

  16. 16.

    Ven. Ching Hsin (b.1929) is a well-known senior monk in Taiwan, who has more than forty years’ experience in the Triple Platform ordination ceremony held by the Buddhist Association of the Republic of China.

  17. 17.

    For example, Master Hsing Yun as the founder of Foguangshan in Taiwan, gave a Buddhist lecture in the National Dr. Sun Yat-sen Memorial Hall located in Guangzhou. More than 3000 people attended this event on 5th November, 2013.

  18. 18.

    Humanistic Buddhism encourages Buddhist monks and nuns to interact closely with the wider community. The three leading Buddhist organizational leaders or founders in Taiwan today—Sheng Yen (Fagushan), Hsing Yun (Foguangshan) and Cheng Yen (Tzu Chi)—advocate Humanistic Buddhism through various objectives and activities, including monastic and secular education, welfare work and environmental protection. For an overview and discussion of accounts of Humanistic Buddhism, see Long (2000: 53–84), and Pittman (2001).

  19. 19.

    The nunneries I visited, however, are not representative of all Buddhist in China and Taiwan since the fieldwork results may be affected by the selection of Buddhist nunneries, given that there are numerous Chinese Buddhist monasteries outside the research samples. Research findings about the socially engaged practitioners of the bodhisattva path in Chinese Buddhist institutions in different regions will inevitably vary, which others researchers should bear in mind when evaluating their fieldwork findings.

  20. 20.

    For a detailed discussion on the revival of communal religious activities in China and Taiwan, see Goossaert and Palmer (2011: 240–269).

  21. 21.

    A pācittika is a minor offence that needs to be expiated. For details, see Heirman (2002a: 141–147).

  22. 22.

    This study particularly focuses on the Dharmaguptakavinaya (Sifen lü 四分律 T.1428) since, due largely to its strong promotion by Master Daoxuan 道宣 (596–667), it has become a major reference point for monastic discipline in China. For details, see Heirman (2002b: 396–429).

  23. 23.

    Traditionally, twice a month, at the poṣadha ceremony, the prātimokṣa (list of rules) is recited. In thisway, the ceremony serves as a bond between the members of the same vinaya tradition.

  24. 24.

    For detailed introduction to the posadha ceremony, see Heirman (2002a: 213–217).

  25. 25.

    The bodhisattva rules emphasize the meritorious deeds of a bodhisattva, a being full of compassion for all sentient beings. The Fanwang jing 梵網經 (T.1484), the Brahmā’s Net Sūtra, has been popular and influential in China since the fifth century. The sūtra contains some 58 precepts: 10 major precepts 十重戒 and 48 minor precepts 四十八輕戒.

  26. 26.

    According to tradition, Mahāprajāpatī, the Buddha’s aunt and stepmother, when allowed to join the Buddhist monastic community, accepted eight ‘fundamental rules’ (gurudharmas八敬法) that made the nuns’ order dependent upon the monks’ order.

  27. 27.

    The Dharmaguptakavinaya (T 1428 924b6–c2) comprises six rules for probationers, the first four of which are compiled in the same style as for bhikṣuṇīs: (1) not to have sexual intercourse; (2) not to steal; (3) not to kill a human; (4) not to lie about one’s spiritual achievements; (5) not to eat at improper times (i.e. after noon); and (6) not to drink alcohol. For details, see Heirman (2008: 111–116).

  28. 28.

    The first dual ordination in China was conferred in the fifth century (ca. 433–434 ce) in the presence of an adequate quorum of fully ordained Sinhalese nuns and Chinese monks. For details, see Heirman (2001: 293–298), and Funayama (2012: 22–27).

  29. 29.

    As for the evolution of dual ordination in contemporary China, see Qiu (1997), and Chiu and Heirman (2014: 258–262).

  30. 30.

    Jin-Yu Wen discovered problems in recent ordination activities when he did a case-study of a ceremony held in 2005 at Shaolin Temple. He comments that more and more women have been going forth and request dual ordination, but that the ordination is at times difficult to implement since many places lack the right conditions for conferring it (2010: 16).

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Chiu, TL. (2019). The Roles of Secular States in the Development of Contemporary Chinese Buddhism: A Cross-Strait Perspective on Buddhist Nunneries. In: Dean, K., van der Veer, P. (eds) The Secular in South, East, and Southeast Asia. Global Diversities. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89369-3_8

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