Abstract
This chapter is a critical examination of the growing literature dealing with the normative structure of scientific practice. More specifically, my intention is to analyze the presuppositions of Robert Merton’s original formulation of the ethos of science and—the critiques of his position, thereby arriving at a provisional assessment of the current status of the theory of the normative structure of science. The critiques may be divided into four major issues; (1) the extent to which the norms of science are peculiar to science; (2) the actual conduct of scientists in various organizational and historical contexts and the extent to which their conduct is governed by the norms of science; (3) the ‘morality’ of the moral imperatives of science; and (4) the relation between the scientific ethos and the development of scientific knowledge .
This text was first published as Stehr, Nico. 1978. “The Ethos of Science Ethos of Science Revisited”, Sociological Inquiry, 48: 172–196. The permission was granted on 17 July 2017 on behalf of Wiley by Ms. Kelly Hoff, Permissions Coordinator, Copyright and Permissions.
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Notes
- 1.
I would like to acknowledge a critical reading of the first draft of the essay by Michael Kozlowslu and the helpful editorial assistance of Laura Hargrave.
- 2.
I intend to retain the formulation communism since the Zeitgeist has undergone change once again and does not at the present time, so it seems, require a substitute term such as communality (see Barber 1952: 91).
- 3.
A rather similar observation is made by Ravetz (1971: 299): “One essential feature of the scientist’s intellectual property, as distinguished from the ‘real’ property of commerce, is that it exists only by being available for use by others.” The anomalous and distinctive character of intellectual property in science, as an essential context and expression of the norm of communism, also is emphasized in several of Merton’s subsequent writings; more recently, for example, Merton (1977: 48–49) notes that the “distinctively anomalous character of intellectual property, becoming fully established in the domain of science only by being openly given away (published), is linked with the normative requirement for scientists making use of that property to acknowledge (publish) the source, past or contemporaneous” (see also Merton [1957] 1973c: 294–295). Moreover, in direct contrast to commercial relations, the greater the ‘use’ of the property by others, the greater the value of the property (see also Price 1978: 80–81). The availability of knowledge claims is the condition for the possibility of a “continued appraisal of work and recognition for work judged well done by the standards of the time [which] constitute a mechanism for maintaining the processes of falsification and confirmation of ideas that are required for the cognitive development of science” (Merton 1976: 45; emphasis added).
- 4.
These distinctions suggest that the ethos of science (norms) pertains directly to what could be called both methodological (cognitive) and social means, which are simultaneously subsidiary to the goal of science (values). Such categorical distinctions indeed are made at times (for instance, Storer 1966: 76), but I shall not attempt to maintain such a distinction here. That would presuppose a much more explicit and developed theory of the social relations of science than actually is available at this time.
- 5.
The decision to concentrate attention on the normative basis of the social relations of science presumably also rests on a number of more nearly immanent meta-theoretical considerations. For example, as emphasized at various times (Merton 1948, 1975), a general theory of social action is not a realistic prospect in sociology at the present stage of its cognitive development; thus, more delimited theoretical structures have to be developed, and research strategies have to be adjusted accordingly. The scope of theories is therefore limited by the cognitive state of the discipline. At the same time, one of the central features of Mertonian discourse, as described by Coser (1975: 5), might well be relevant: “Merton’s world is composed of multiple ambiguities, of conflicting and contradictory demands and requirements that need to be articulated and made accessible by the sociologist.”
- 6.
However, I will exclude a more detailed discussion of the possible interrelation between societal (including cognitive) norms and the ethos of science (see also Merton [19738] 1973d: 259; Barber 1952; Blume 1974: 45–50), including the views advanced by Downey (1967: 253) that ‘scientism’ assures the obsolescence of a number of norms which are part of the ethos of science , or that the autonomy of scientific institutions is in effect the outcome of cognitive progress in science.
- 7.
- 8.
I refer, of course, to Rickert and Weber’s theory of concept formation in the empirical sciences, particularly Weber’s notion of ideal types as conceptual tools in the social sciences. Such ideal types were not conceived simply as descriptions of observable conduct (Rickert 1902; Weber 1922; Burger 1976).
- 9.
The position that Mulkay advances is not, it seems, peculiar for a social scientist to adopt (Gaston 1978: 163–166) but rather is the result of underlying Kuhnian presuppositions. Gaston, in his critique of Mulkay’s view, discusses the norms of science primarily as they manifest themselves in the social relations of science (the research formulation), whereas Mulkay discusses the ethos of science primarily in terms of cognitive processes and consequences in science. Kuhn’s program for paradigm closure (Simmons/Stehr 1978) and logical empiricism as well as critical rationalism (Hempel 1965: 3–5; Popper [1935] 1968: 41, [1962] 1969: 156) also is based on a differentiation of science from nonscience; namely, the idea that demarcation must be based on cognitive attributes of systems of discourse. As far as social relations in general are concerned, positivism emphasizes cognitive factors of social action, while functionalism stresses norms, values, motives, and the consequences of social conduct (King 1971: 8; see also Parsons [1937] 1949: 387, 439–440) . The emphasis of cognitive norms to the exclusion of other processes in science, of course, results in an image of a rather ‘rational’ scientific practice. It may therefore fail to do justice to the immense complexity of the social organization of science. That is, the reduction (and retention) of complexity in science, to use Luhmann’s terminology, requires social mechanisms other than cognitive norms—for example, reputation operating both as a medium of communication (selection) and as motivation (Luhmann [1968] 1970).
- 10.
In an essay written some thirty years after the original formulation of the ethos of science , Merton [1968] 1973a: 327–328) appears to acknowledge the historicity of the social norms and with it, of course, the possibility that the norms of science are neither entirely autonomous nor unresponsive to basic sociostructural changes in science and society. However, the emphasis, in this essay at least, is on the continuity of certain institutional relations of science, such as the intensity and the degree of competition among scientists.
- 11.
In his essay “The Ambivalence of Scientists” Merton (1976: 41–42) refers to the doubling of ambivalence—scientists’ ambivalence toward feeling ambivalent—as a possible explanation of the lack of attention paid to conflicts and modes of conflict in science as conflicts over claims to priority. One of the interesting issues raised by the conception of conflicting norms as a ‘normal’, structurally generated attribute of social organization concerns the problem of deviant conduct under such circumstances. For deviant conduct traditionally is defined as behavior at variance with specific dominant norms typifying social positions. Given the particular formulation of norms and counternorms (their scope and range, for instance), deviant conduct might well be denied a priori. In the case of science, however, deviant conduct also requires a set of rules signifying both social and cognitive distinctiveness of scientific practice (demarcation criteria). (For a discussion of deviant behavior from both cognitive and social norms in science, see Zuckerman 1977.)
- 12.
The empirical evidence Mitroff reports refers to research about the moon, which at the time was not intellectually homogeneous (in the sense of a dominant paradigm, for instance). As Mitroff (1974b: 594) therefore suggests, “whereas the conventional norms of science are dominant for well-structured problems, the counternorms proposed here appear to be dominant for ill-structured problems.”
- 13.
Mulkay’s underlying theory of institutions largely rests on a notion of social control (and norms) based on externally imposed sanctions (or sanctioned norms) but not on what may be called ‘primary’ social control . The internalization of norms does not require an ‘exchange’ or reward (Berger/Luckmann 1966). A critique of such a restrictive conceptualization of social norms also may be found in Luhmann (1969), while Dahrendorf (1964) and Popitz (1961) advocate the restriction of the concept of norm to sanctioned conduct. The somewhat retrogressive perspective argued by Mulkay, at least in the context of his discussion of the status of the norms of science, can also be illustrated with respect to the theoretical status of “intellectual commitments.” Mulkay largely abstains from linking commitments to social mechanisms. Social mechanisms may explain the homogeneity (within specific social boundaries), heterogeneity, distribution, and reproduction (or origin and alteration) of intellectual commitments. Such an explanation requires a theoretical analysis that transcends either a cognitive approach or a sociology of scientific ideas and procedures.
- 14.
Using information gathered for a small and heterogeneous sample of university scientists, West (1960: 61) reports that neither their rate of publication nor the strength of their motivation as reported by peers appears to be associated with an endorsement of the ethos of science .
- 15.
Following Feyerabend (1975) and Churchman (1971), Mitroff (for example, 1974b: 590) subscribes to a historiography of scientific knowledge based on the theory of paradigm proliferation. Subsequently, Merton (1976: 59) has criticized Mitroff for exaggerating the inevitably ‘subjective’ attributes of the production of scientific knowledge to the detriment of its objective aspects and for ignoring the interaction of subjective and objective attributes, which results in a “storybook version of scientific inquiry”.
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Stehr, N. (2018). The Ethos of Science Revisited: Social and Cognitive Norms. In: Adolf, M. (eds) Nico Stehr: Pioneer in the Theory of Society and Knowledge. Pioneers in Arts, Humanities, Science, Engineering, Practice, vol 16. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76995-0_10
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