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The Place of Slavery in the Aristotelian Framework of Law, Reason and Emotion

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Aristotle on Emotions in Law and Politics

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Abstract

This chapter considers the Aristotelian examination of slavery in Book I of the Politics in order to question the relationship between slavery and the wider Aristotelian framework of law, reason and emotion. A detailed analysis of Book 1 reveals that it is orientated by an appropriation and transformation of the Platonic conception of virtue and rulership. The Aristotelian response defines the slave as the particular determination of the connection between nature and necessity which, in turn, shape the notions of law, reason and emotion. The relationship between the slave and notions of law, reason and emotion are conferred after the initial determination of, and justification for, the division between (natural) master and (natural) slave. The division is a form of rulership within the household. The slave’s subjection to the master determines that the relationship to law, reason and emotion is coextensive with household management. It is only the free population and, in particular, free men, who are capable of developing a political regime. The political regime is the sole form through which the relationship between law, reason and emotion is to be established in order to realize the ideal or good life. The further development of the Politics is predicated upon the simultaneous recognition and disappearance of a relationship of subjection.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    See, for example, Annas (1995, 2011), Hursthouse (2002), Russell (2009, 2012), Sloate (1995), and Swanton (2005).

  2. 2.

    See, Agamben (1998, 2013, 2016).

  3. 3.

    Edition used: Aristotle (1998).

  4. 4.

    Rosivach (1999). See, also, Schofield (2005) and Lévy (1989).

  5. 5.

    Goldschmidt (1984).

  6. 6.

    Brunschwig (2005).

  7. 7.

    The chapter, therefore, considers the ‘economic’ arguments for slavery which Aristotle presents (Aristotle 1998, p. 14, 1253b37–1254a1) as secondary to the primarily political purpose of the discussion of slavery in the Politics.

  8. 8.

    As emphasized by Pellegrin (2013).

  9. 9.

    As emphasized by Deslauriers (2006).

  10. 10.

    Edition used: Aristotle (2000). See on this, Kamtekar (2014). The other aspect of this further development of the study of legislation is the collection and commentary upon the existing Greek constitutions of which only the Aristotelian commentary on the Athenian Constitution survives.

  11. 11.

    See for a more extended delineation of this general science of politics, Schofield and Kraut (2006).

  12. 12.

    The figure of the lawgiver is to be understood in relation to the ancient Greek notion of a constitution (politeia). The particular sense to be attributed to this term is that of the ‘system of laws and practices in the civic community that constructs, educates and constrains a person’s condition of citizenship’ Harte and Lane (2013). Hence, the lawgiver is the individual whose character and education indicate their ability to promulgate laws which will fulfil this notion of a constitution. See, also, on the relation between law and constitution in Politics, Morel (2011).

  13. 13.

    Here, following, John M. Cooper’s account of Aristotle’s treatment of emotions in the Rhetoric, and his reading of Aristotle (1991), 1.4.1359b2–18 with 1.2.1358a21–26, and the restriction of the premises of oratorical argument to plausible or reputable opinion (endoxa) and, therefore, its exclusion from the premises of political and ethical science (see, Cooper 1999, 408ff.). However, compare Garver (1995), who seeks to indicate a stronger degree of affinity between Aristotle’s Politics, Eudaimonian Ethics and Nicomachean Ethics and the Rhetoric. See also, Rapp (2009).

  14. 14.

    Henry and Nielsen (2015), p. 9. Emphasis in original.

  15. 15.

    Leunissen (2015), p. 216, fn. 5.

  16. 16.

    Nielsen (2015), p. 47. The analogy is explicitly drawn by Aristotle, as Nielsen indications, for example, Aristotle (2000) (EN 1137a13–18; 10.9.1180b7–19).

  17. 17.

    Leunissen (2015), p. 217.

  18. 18.

    See, Gottlieb (2009).

  19. 19.

    See, for the further detailed development of this argument, Leunissen (2015), pp. 218–231; and Leunissen (2017).

  20. 20.

    On this, see, Frank (2005), pp. 17–53; Nichols (1992), pp. 13–51; Trott (2014), pp. 16–41 and 175–201.

  21. 21.

    The translation of “polis” as state follows the interpretation of Hansen and the Copenhagen Polis Centre. On this interpretation, “polis” has the sense of both city and state. It is Aristotle’s Book 1of the Politics which, for Hansen, exemplifies its use in the sense of state in which the initial “‘atom’ of the city-state is the household”, Hansen (2009), p. 110.

  22. 22.

    Here, it must be acknowledged that the education provided by the Politics, is necessarily partial and specific, as it exists as the corollary of, and compliment to, the education furnished by the ethical works of Aristotle (Eudaimonian Ethics and Nicomachean Ethics). For, following the analysis of Bodéüs (1993), the ethical works of Aristotle are to be grouped together with the Politics, as the ethical works and the Politics, in the distinctive knowledge which they impart, are both integral to shaping the formation of the potential lawgiver. Compare, however, the approach in Pangle (2013).

  23. 23.

    This is based upon the work of Rosivach (1999) and Vlassopoulos (2011).

  24. 24.

    As C. D. C. Reeve adds in an accompanying footnote to this passage, ‘That is to say, do household managers, masters, statesmen, and kings each employ a different type of technical expertise in ruling? Expertise (technikon) is technical knowledge of the sort embodied in a craft or a science’ (Ibid., p. 2).

  25. 25.

    On this question more generally, in relation to the notion of physis, see Ward (2005).

  26. 26.

    For the examination and identification of the opponents of slavery, see Cambiano (1980).

  27. 27.

    Here, following the analysis of Goldschmidt (1984), which is cited and re-presented by Brunschwig (2005). Brunschwig, and cited with approval, by Garver (1994), p. 118, fn. 14. However, the reference to Goldschmidt is absent from Garver’s subsequent book on Aristotle’s Politics (Garver 2014).

  28. 28.

    See, Nagle (2006).

  29. 29.

    See, for example, Ambler (1987), Dobbs (1994), Frank (2004), Garver (1994), Heath (2008), Levin (1997), Preus (1993), Smith (1991), Thornton (2007), and Veloso (2013).

  30. 30.

    Schütrumpf (1993) and Deslauriers (2006).

  31. 31.

    On Aristotle’s critical engagement with Plato, see Cherry (2013) and Mayhew (1997).

  32. 32.

    See, Rosivach (1999).

  33. 33.

    On this, see, Veloso (2011).

  34. 34.

    Deslauriers (2006), pp. 55–57, together with the additional references, p. 58, fn. 19.

  35. 35.

    Ibid., p. 58.

  36. 36.

    Ibid., p. 55.

  37. 37.

    Ibid., p. 60.

  38. 38.

    Ibid., p. 61.

  39. 39.

    Ibid., p. 62.

  40. 40.

    Ibid., pp. 62–63.

  41. 41.

    Ibid., p. 64.

  42. 42.

    Ibid., pp. 64–65.

  43. 43.

    Schütrumpf (1993).

  44. 44.

    Ibid., p. 114.

  45. 45.

    Ibid., p. 115.

  46. 46.

    Plato (2000) Book IX 590c9. Quotation from Schütrumpf (1993), p. 115.

  47. 47.

    Schütrumpf (1993), p. 115.

  48. 48.

    A further ‘science’, “the ‘science of acquiring slaves’” is also distinguished by Aristotle, “and is a kind of warfare or hunting” Ibid., Pol. 1255b39.

  49. 49.

    For Fuselli, in this volume, the question of the contemporary relevance of Aristotle’s notion of the soul is its conceptual superiority in comparison to the limitations of existing approaches to the emotions and their relationship to law and legal decision-making. Fuselli (2018).

  50. 50.

    For Bombelli, in this volume, the examination of the Aristotelian relationship between reason and emotion indicates its continued pertinence in comparison with contemporary approaches to this relationship. Bombelli (2018).

  51. 51.

    For a discussion of this argumentative use of the question of nature, see Annas (1997).

  52. 52.

    The presentation of natural slavery, as confined to the household, indicates that this interpretation sees a disjunction, rather than any continuity with the later discussion of the slavish character of non-Greeks (Aristotle 1998, 1285a16–28). The re-emergence of this term is situated with the initial differentiation of types of kingship, and disappears in the subsequent discussion (Pol. 1285b33–1286a1–6). It is also to be differentiated from the further discussion of the ‘natural qualities of citizens’ (Pol. 1327b19) and the ‘lack of spirit’ of nations in Asia which makes them ‘ruled and enslaved’ (Pol. 1327b27–28). This relates to a susceptibility of those who are initially citizens, as is evident from Politics (1327b36–37), where the presence of both spirit and intelligence provides the legislator with an easier task in guiding these citizens to virtue. Hence, the presence of only one of the two simply makes any potential legislator’s task more difficult, but not impossible. The whole discussion is further qualified in Politics (1328a19–20), where the degree of precision of theoretical discussion of these natural qualities of citizens is held to be lower than that provided by perception.

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Langford, P., Bryan, I. (2018). The Place of Slavery in the Aristotelian Framework of Law, Reason and Emotion. In: Huppes-Cluysenaer, L., Coelho, N. (eds) Aristotle on Emotions in Law and Politics. Law and Philosophy Library, vol 121. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-66703-4_15

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