Abstract
Hoffarth explores the role of unknown time in medieval utopian thought, drawing special attention to the relationship between temporality and spatiality as crucial for the understanding of utopian concepts from the Middle Ages. The chapter offers a critical review of scholarship on medieval utopianism and especially calls into question the commonly accepted distinction between ideal places (‘Wunschräume’) and ideal times (‘Wunschzeiten’) as established by A. Doren. Focusing on the medieval perception of ‘Jerusalem’ as a multidimensional utopian vision, Hoffarth then expounds how the principles of biblical exegesis influenced the medieval notion of a perfect society. The chapter concludes with an observation of a figure from Joachim of Fiore’s Liber figurarum in which the temporal and the spatial dimensions are indistinguishably entangled with one another.
I owe thanks to Michael A. Conrad and Erik Collins for proofreading this article and for their additional comments.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
For a first impression and overview on this subject, see Seibt (2001).
- 3.
On further implications of the word, especially with reference to the homophony Eutopia (“good place”), see, e.g., Vieira (2010: 3–5).
- 4.
“VTOPIA vero insula, quam etiam VDEPOTIAM appellari audio. ...” An edition and English translation of the letter in Thomas More , Utopia, eds. Logan, Adams, and Miller, 1995: 6–19; the quotation ibid., 12. On Budé, see McNeill (1975); on his letter to Lupset, ibid., 50–51.
- 5.
McNeill points out that More “certainly did not seek to remove it [the letter] from the subsequent editions. He thus implicity [sic] approves of Budé’s interpretation” (1975: 50). On More’s involvement with the editions of 1517 and 1518, see Thomas More , Utopia, eds. Logan, Adams, and Miller, 1995: pp. 271–273.
- 6.
Accordingly, in scholarship on More’s work as well as on Utopia as a genre of literature or a pattern of thought, the non-existence and impossibility of realisation is often emphasised as a central criterion to conceive of a certain concept as utopian. Cf. Schölderle (2011: 463–465).
- 7.
Zudeick assumes that to More the spatial aspect had been more important because More had wanted to emphasise the non-existence of his concept (2012: 634). Funke on the contrary claims that Budé’s Udepotia stresses the factor of infeasibility (1991: 11). However, neither commentator explains how one of the two concepts, “No-place-land” or “Neverland,” could have appeared, to More, to be ‘more unreal’ than the other. Rather, More’s decision for a spatial depiction of the ideal state might have been from the wish for authenticity that was to be gained by the allegedly non-fictional genre of travelogues.
- 8.
This idea comes from Alfred Doren (cf. Doren 1927) and has been approved by virtually all contributors to the study of medieval utopian thought. See the discussion below.
- 9.
This is true not only of Marxist approaches, for example, but also regarding the conflict between medievalists and modernists.
- 10.
Wunschraum and Wunschzeit are German words literally referring to imaginary spaces or times wishfully desired. As there seem to be no fully adequate translations, I will retain the German terms.
- 11.
As Graus notes, his position is indebted to A.O. Lovejoy’s and G. Boas’s studies on primitivism (Lovejoy and Boas 1935; Boas 1948). Interestingly enough, however, Boas himself had already noted that there had also been a tradition of anti-primitivism in the Middle Ages and had identified Joachim as one of its main contributors (Boas 1948: 206–216).
- 12.
- 13.
On spatial Utopias in the Middle Ages, see Bloch (1969, 2: 889–909). On the temporal dimension see, for instance, his account on Joachim of Fiore , ibid., 1: 590–598.
- 14.
The first was Graus (1967), who hardly reflected on the question if the concept of Utopia could be transferred to the Middle Ages at all.
- 15.
- 16.
See the bibliography in Hartmann and Röcke (2013a: 10–13).
- 17.
See, e.g., Saage (2013) who against all other contributors to the same volume on Utopia in the Middle Ages holds the opinion that the utopian is a genuinely modern phenomenon. In one of the most recent contributions to the subject, Lochrie (2016: 1–5) reviews the discussion and, as a medievalist like Oexle and Seibt, concludes that there had been utopian thought before Thomas More . However, she seems to be largely unaware of the broad German research tradition.
- 18.
Mannheim comments: “The very attempt to determine the meaning of the concept ‘utopia’ shows to what extent every definition in historical thinking depends necessarily upon one’s perspective . ... The very way in which a concept is defined and the nuance in which it is employed already embody to a certain degree a prejudgment concerning the outcome of the chain of ideas built upon it” (1954: 177).
- 19.
- 20.
For example, in H.G. Wells, see Doren (1927: 204n68).
- 21.
- 22.
On late medieval crusade projects in general, see Paviot (2014).
- 23.
According to Oexle, in contrast to a Wunschzeit, a Wunschraum is particularly defined by its clear demarcation, cf. Oexle (1994: 38–39).
- 24.
- 25.
- 26.
- 27.
The description of heavenly Jerusalem in the Book of Revelation uses motifs taken from descriptions of paradise in Genesis, see Gn 2:9, and comp. Rv 22:2, 14 (tree of life ); Gn 2:10, and comp. Rv 22:1 (river of life ); Gn 2:11–12, and comp. Rv 21:18–21 (three precious materials).
- 28.
- 29.
This had its roots already in the Bible . In Galatians 4:21–31, for instance, the Jerusalem ‘that is above’ is superordinated to the earthly one. Another tactic to overcome the distance of the earthly Jerusalem was its reconstruction at other places, a translatio Hierosolymae. Cf. Auffarth (1993: 101–104), Stroumsa (1999), Jaspert (2001), Bernet (2007).
- 30.
See de Lubac (1998–2009, vol. 1: xix): “It [premodern biblical exegesis ] sets up an often subtle dialectic of before and after. It defines the relationship between historical reality and spiritual reality, between society and the individual, between time and eternity . … It organizes all of revelation around a concrete center, which is fixed in time and space by the Cross of Jesus Christ . … It is the principal form that the Christian synthesis had for a long time been shaped by.” See also Holdenried in this volume, pp. 33–37.
- 31.
- 32.
- 33.
On the social and political significance of this idea in the late Middle Ages, see Töpfer (1964).
- 34.
John Cassian , Collationes, ed. Petschenig, 1886: 405: “igitur praedicta quattuor figurae in unum ita, si uolumus, confluunt, ut una atque eadem Hierusalem quadrifarie possit intellegi: secundum historiam ciuitas Iudaeorum, secundum allegoriam ecclesia Christi, secundum anagogen ciuitas dei illa caelestis, quae est mater omnium nostrum, secundum tropologiam anima hominis ...”.
- 35.
- 36.
Bede, In Cantica Canticorum, ed. Hurst, 1983: 260: “Lauda Hierusalem dominum, quod iuxta litteram quidem ciues urbis ipsius in qua templum Dei erat ad laudes ei dicendas hortatur; at uero iuxta allegoriam Hierusalem ecclesia Christi est toto orbe diffusa; item iuxta tropologiam, id est moralem sensum, anima quaeque sancta Hierusalem recte uocatur; item iuxta anagogen, id est intellegentiam ad superiora ducentem, Hierusalem habitatio est patriae caelestis quae ex angelis sanctis et hominibus constat”.
- 37.
“… qui ergo ita uiuunt ut sint eis omnia communia in domino … κοινοβιῶται uocantur. Quae nimirum uita tanto ceteris saeculi huius conuersationibus felicior est, quanto statum futuri saeculi etiam in praesenti imitatur, ubi sunt omnia omnibus communia bona beatis …; et quia ibi summa pacis et securitatis gratia regnat, recte ciuitas in qua huius uitae typus praecessit Hierusalem, id est uisio pacis, dicta est”.
- 38.
See Isidore, Etymologiae, ed. Lindsay, 1911, vol. 1: VIII.i.6: Pro futura vero patriae pace Hierusalem vocatur. Nam Hierusalem pacis visio interpretatur. Cf. also Augustine, De civitate Dei, XIX.xi.
- 39.
“Philippus vester, volens proficisci Ierosolymam, compendium viae invenit, et cito pervenit quo volebat. … Factus est ergo non curiosus tantum spectator, sed devotus habitator et civis conscriptus Ierusalem, non autem terrenae huius, cui Arabiae mons Sina coniunctus est, quae servit vum filiis suis, sed liberae illius, quae est sursum mater nostra. Et si vultis scire, Claravallis est. Ipsa est Ierusalem, ei quae in caelis est, tota mentis devotione, et conservationis imitatione, et cognatione quadam spiritus sociata. Haec requies illius, sicut ipse promittit, in saeculum saeculi: elegit eam in habitationem sibi quod apud eam sit, etsi nondum visio, certe exspectatio verae pacis. ...” On Bernard’s letter, see Voigts (2014: 112–114), Pranger (1994: 32ff).
- 40.
- 41.
On Bernard’s influence on Joachim, see McGinn (1992).
- 42.
Joachim, Liber figurarum, eds. Tondelli, Reeves, and Hirsch-Reich, 1953, Fig. 12. Seibt (1980) was the first to compare the figure to More’s Utopia. Some scholars, however, refuse the characterisation of the figure as utopian. See, for instance, Riedl: “It does not present us with a utopian society, an ideal with no parallel in empirical reality, as some interpreters have wrongly assumed, but rather with a prophesied society” (2012: 58). As such, this argument, of course, is not wrong. However, although I have no ambitions to decide whether Joachim’s disposition is utopian in the full sense of the word, it may be remarked that the problem with Riedl’s verdict is, as always, a problem of definition. It seems to be based solely on the assumption that the utopian was defined by fictionality or impossibility of realisation. But see Elias (1982: 144–149).
- 43.
A full English translation of the text accompanying the picture can be found in McGinn (1979b: 142–148).
- 44.
- 45.
In Joachim’s future society there is infirmity and weakness (I follow the text as given by Grundmann 1950: 116–121): “Sub isto oratorio erunt senes et delicati fratres, qui forte languescente stomacho non possunt ad plenum austeritatem regule in jejuniis sustinere …” (ibid., 117); “… jenunabunt in pane et aqua, excepta causa infirmitas. …” (ibid., 118); “Isti jejunabunt omni tempore excepta causa infirmitas. ... Si quis autem illorum ita infirmatus fuerit stomacho, ut non possit constitutum sustinere jejunium, transferatur ad oratorium senum …” (ibid., 119); : “Apud istos erit hospitale extra ambitum curtis eorum, in quo erunt lecti strati et cetera necessaria ad usum hospitum sanorum vel infirmorum …” (ibid., 120); “… excepta causa infirmitatis” (ibid., 121).
- 46.
Joachim uses the metaphor of the body and its members’ different spiritual gifts from 1 Cor. 12 to explain how everyone will contribute to the community according to their abilities. See Grundmann (1950: 116). Concerning the laypeople, he states: “Unusquisque ergo operabitur de arte sua; et singule artes vel artifices habebunt prepositos suos. … Mulieres quoque honeste et probate operabuntur lanam ad opus pauperum Christi. ... Isti dabunt decimas clericis omnium que possident ad sustentationem pauperum et peregrinorum, set etiam puerorum, qui student doctrine, ea scilicet ratione, ut si hii superhabundaverint et aliqui aliorum minus habebunt, ad arbitrium patris spiritalis accipiatur ab eis, qui plus habent, et dentur his qui minus, ut nullus sit indigens inter eos, et hoc generale erit omnium” (ibid., 121).
- 47.
Grundmann (1950): “Inter hoc monasterium et locum clericorum debet interesse spatium quasi miliarum trium” (119); “Inter hec duo oratoria [of clerics and of laypeople] debet interesse spacium quasi stadiorum trium” (ibid., 120).
- 48.
Grundmann (1950): “Habebunt autem singuli singulas cellas, ad quas possint cito ingredi, quando volunt orare: non tamen ubi quisque voluerit, sed juxta claustrum …” (119); “Ad oratorium tamen suum sororem mulierem non recipient; sed ad proprium laycorum oratorium ingredientur diebus festis et celebrabunt apud eos divina officia” (ibid., 120).
- 49.
- 50.
See also Holdenried in this volume, pp. 24–25.
- 51.
Graus states: “It is innate in man to want to strive after an ideal state and to dream one up, and, quite naturally, his own concepts and the world he lives in provide his starting point” (1967: 5).
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Hoffarth, C. (2017). ‘Wunschzeit’ Jerusalem: Rethinking the Distinction Between Time and Space in Medieval Utopias. In: Baumbach, S., Henningsen, L., Oschema, K. (eds) The Fascination with Unknown Time. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-66438-5_3
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