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Responses to Domestic Violence in Germany in a European Context

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Global Responses to Domestic Violence

Abstract

In Germany and in Western Europe, responses to domestic violence were shaped by the feminist movement challenging men’s violence against women, and the main cultural framing is still that of gender-based violence. With the exception of Sweden and Spain, specific laws refer to “family violence”, but more frequently, as in Germany, the legal framework is gender-neutral, while services are gender-specific. Unification of East and West Germany sparked debate on the limits of a woman’s advocacy approach and a move toward multiagency responses, reinforced through federally funded model projects. These now center on the “emergency barring order” by which police require the person causing a danger to leave and attempt no contact for a period of about 2 weeks, during which the victim is offered proactive support and can apply for a civil protection order. Police are now generally supportive and record all cases, but prosecution is generally difficult in codified legal systems and is not considered a measure that provides either protection or safety. Although domestic violence is a public interest crime, the vast majority of cases are dropped for lack of evidence. Recent reforms aim to strengthen support services, provide special protection for victims during criminal proceedings, and develop community-based approaches.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Within the federal structure of Germany, model projects are jointly funded by the federal government and one of the 16 member states, since constitutionally, in many areas federal involvement is restricted; evaluation research is also required so that all other states can profit from the experience of a new model.

  2. 2.

    This has remained fairly stable; in 2011 a research survey commissioned by the federal ministry identified 353 shelters and 41 safe accommodation apartments (Helfferich et al., 2012, p. 43).

  3. 3.

    This cannot be seen as “de-gendering” violence, since there is general agreement that victimized men need support services that are tailored to their needs as men, and same sex victims should be supported by specific services.

  4. 4.

    Protective measures for teens would require involvement of the youth welfare agency, but depending on their age, not necessarily parental consent.

  5. 5.

    Descendants of Germans who settled in Russia or Eastern Europe in the past; legally, they are considered ethnic Germans and as such are full citizens.

  6. 6.

    It the parents do not co-operate, the family court might restrict parental rights or order that the child be taken into care.

  7. 7.

    This excludes non-cohabiting relationships and contrasts with the UN and Council of Europe strictures to penalize all forms of violence against women.

  8. 8.

    In 93% of cases the victim was a woman and the suspected abuser a man. 46% of the men and 41% of the women had a migration background, significantly higher than their share of the population.

  9. 9.

    The large proportion of migrants may be a further reason for women not to make a statement to police.

  10. 10.

    However, since the 1990s, a number of prosecution services have designated special prosecutors, first for sexual offences, and later for domestic violence, as opposed to the tradition of assigning cases by turns to any prosecutor; they gain experience and often engage more effectively with these cases.

  11. 11.

    Hagemann-White and Grafe (2016).

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Correspondence to Carol Hagemann-White .

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Hagemann-White, C. (2017). Responses to Domestic Violence in Germany in a European Context. In: Buzawa, E., Buzawa, C. (eds) Global Responses to Domestic Violence. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-56721-1_5

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-56721-1_5

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  • Publisher Name: Springer, Cham

  • Print ISBN: 978-3-319-56719-8

  • Online ISBN: 978-3-319-56721-1

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