Abstract
Recent scholarship has drawn attention to the medical information contained in the commentaries on Peter Lombard’s Sentences, thus renewing our views on the relationship between medicine and theology. Commentaries on the Bible (both on the Old and the New Testament) have been less investigated, perhaps because this kind of information is more scattered therein and may be found almost anywhere in the bulk of these exegetical works. Indeed, apart from the description of the creation of man and the accounts of miraculous healings, which provide the principal places where medical explanations could be inserted, there is a wide variety of occurrences that can only be detected by an exhaustive reading of these commentaries. In the present modest contribution, my intention is not to deal with all kinds of topics related to medicine nor tracking down metaphors, but to focus on traces of theories which may have disturbed religious minds. The notions of corporeal spirits (pneumata) and of the virtues or powers they were supposed to convey, as well as the function of the brain and the psychic faculties located in this organ, raised the question of the link between body and soul. More subtle discrepancies between medical theories and theological requirements may be detected: for instance, the physiological explanation of nutrition, which involved the transformation of food into bodily substance, seemed to some theologians incompatible with the dogma of the resurrection of the bodies at the Last Judgment and with the concept of veritas personae humanae. Since biblical exegesis did not necessarily imply dealing with these topics, their appearance in this framework, as discreet as it was, reveals a real concern. Each period has from this point of view its proper concerns, according to the level of medical teaching and its diffusion outside the circle of physicians and also according to the contemporary theological concerns. The thirteenth century, with the development of university teaching in both theology and medicine, offers a favourable context for tracking in biblical exegesis the traces of contemporary debates. But before entering this period, a flashback to the very beginnings of Latin Christian exegesis is required.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
- 3.
De Noe XXV, 92, in Sancti Ambrosii Opera. Pars prima 1897, 413–497: quoted in Passarella, 140–141.
- 4.
De Noe VI. 14, quoted in Passarella, 235: “Spiritus quidem nostri, hoc est eius quem carpimus et quo alimur in hac vita, nidus est pulmo, sanguinis autem et spiritus nidus est cor.”
- 5.
Expositio Evangelii secundum Lucam VII. 123, in Sancti Ambrosii Mediolanensis Opera, Pars IV, 1957 (Corpus Christianorum Latinorum, 14), 1–400: quoted in Passarella, 228: “aerius ille spiritus vitale collegium animae corporisque contubernio fœderatum sine nostro labore perpetuat, nec salutaris deficit usus alimenti, nisi cum venerit dies suprema moriendi.”
- 6.
Hexaëmeron, VI. 9. 9. 63, in Sancti Ambrosii Opera. Pars prima, 3–261; quoted in Passarella, 79, 199, 182: “Itaque propter oculos ferunt medendi periti cerebrum hominis in capite locatum, alios autem nostri corporis sensus propter cerebrum finitimo quodam esse domicilio constitutos. Initium enim nervorum et omnium sensuum voluntariae commotionis cerebrum est atque inde omnis eorum quae diximus causa manat. Initium autem arteriarum et insiti caloris, quo animantur et tepefiunt vitalia, cor esse plerique arbitrantur. Sensuum autem singulorum velut organum nervi sunt, qui cordae et fides quaedam de cerebro oriuntur et per partes corporis in singula quaeque officia derivantur. Ideoque mollius est ceteris cerebrum, quia omnis suscipit sensus. Unde et nervi, qui referunt universa quae vel oculus viderit vel auris audierit vel odor inalaverit vel lingua increpuerit vel os saporis acceperit. Quod enim molle ad compassionem aptius, quod autem durum ex aliquo rigore nervorum ad agendum efficacius.”
- 7.
De genesi ad litteram VIII. XIII. 20, in Œuvres de saint Augustin 48, 2000 [1972], 534–536: “Deinde—si non est contemnendum, quod medici non tantum dicunt, verum etiam probare se adfirmant—quamvis omnis caro terrenam soliditatem in promptu gerat, habet in se et aeris aliquid, quod et pulmonibus continetur et a corde per venas, quas arterias vocant, diffunditur; et ignis non solum fervidam qualitatem, cuius sedes in iecore est, verum etiam luculentam, quam velut eliquari ac subvolare ostendunt in excelsum cerebri locum, tamquam in caelum corporis nostri. Unde et radii emicant oculorum et de cuius medio velut centro quodam non solum ad oculos, sed etiam ad sensus ceteros tenues fistulae deducuntur, ad aures videlicet, ad nares, ad palatum, propter audiendum, olfaciendum atque gustandum; ipsumque tangendi sensum, qui per totum corpus est, ab eodem cerebro dirigi per medullam cervicis et eam, quae continetur ossibus, quibus dorsi spina conseritur, ut inde se tenuissimi quidam rivuli, qui tangendi sensum faciunt, per cuncta membra diffundant.”
- 8.
Ibid., VII. XV. 21, 538: “Anima ergo quoniam res est incorporea corpus, quod incorporeo vicinum est, sicuti est ignis vel potius lux et aer, primitus agit et per haec cetera quae crassiora sunt corporis, sicuti humor et terra—unde carnis corpulentia solidatur—quae magis sunt ad patiendum subdita quam praedita ad faciendum.”
- 9.
Ibid., VII. XXI. 30, 550.
- 10.
Ibid., VII. XIX. 25, 544: “Et aer, qui nervis infusus est, paret voluntati, ut membra moveat, non autem ipse voluntas est.”
- 11.
- 12.
De civitate Dei, XIII. XXIV. 3, in Œuvres de Saint Augustin 35 (Bibliothèque Augustinienne), 332.
- 13.
De genesi ad litteram, VII. XVIII. 24, 540–542.
- 14.
Ibid., VII. XVII. 24, 542: “Haec illi certis indiciis probata esse dicunt, quando et ipsae partes adfectae morbo vel vitio, cum defecissent officia vel sentiendi vel movendi membra vel motus corporis reminiscendi, satis quid valerent singulae declararunt eisque adhibita curatione cui rei reparandae profecerit exploratum est”. On the faculties of the brain and its ventricles in Galen, who did not set a clear localization, see Rocca 2003; Donini 2008; Pigeaud 1988.
- 15.
- 16.
- 17.
See Jordan 1990; and Jacquart 2013. After Augustine and before the eleventh-century translations, the only author, as far as I know, who has located hegemonic operations into the ventricles of the brain, was Agnellus of Ravenna (sixth century?) in his commentary, written in a very obscure Latin, on Galen’s Ars medica. Echoing probably Late Alexandrian teaching, he located fantasia in the anterior ventricle, logismos in the middle ventricle and mnemi in the posterior ventricle. See Palmieri 2008, 52.
- 18.
Grosseteste 1982 (Auctores Britannici Medii Aevi, VI); and Grosseteste 1996 (Auctores Britannici Medii Aevi, VI. 2). On Grosseteste’s biblical exegesis, Smalley 1955; McEvoy 1994; and Grosseteste, Roberti Grosseteste Exposition in Epistolam Sancti Pauli ad Galatas 1995. No significant allusion to medicine is made in this Expositio, but there is an interesting digression on fascination, with references to Algazel’s Metaphysics and Avicenna’s De anima, 72–74.
- 19.
Hexaëmeron, XI. IV. 4, 309–310; trans. by Martin, 316–317.
- 20.
Despite the fact that Robert Grosseteste is no longer regarded as a forerunner of the experimental method, it is worth referring on this point to one of the landmarks of the history of science. See Crombie 1971.
- 21.
Hexaëmeron, V. X. 3, 167; trans. by Martin, 169. The condemnation of astrology is a major concern of Robert Grosseteste in his Hexaëmeron. On his change of mind during his life on this topic, see Dales 1967, 357–363.
- 22.
Hexaëmeron, V. X. 4, 6, 168–169; trans. by Martin, 169–170. I have changed the punctuation of the last quoted sentence, which is in the edition “possunt contra operari fortius medicine consuetudines et studia”, translated by Martin as “medical study and practice can prevail.” The word medicine must certainly be understood here as “drugs” and does not refer to the medical art.
- 23.
- 24.
Hexaëmeron, IX. IX. 3, 278; trans. by Martin, 284.
- 25.
Hexaëmeron, IV. XXX. 3, 154–155: “[…] eget vita vegetativa necessario virtute attractiva nutrimenti, et virtute retentiva attracti, et virtute digestiva retenti, decoquente retentum et segregante purum eius ab impuro et assimulante substanciam quod prius assimulatum erat secundum complexionis qualitatem. Eget quoque vita vegetativa quarta virtute, videlicet impuri et superflui expulsiva, ne ipsius putredine corpus corrumpatur et ab attrahendo recens nutrimentum prepediatur. Hee autem quatuor virtutes, vite vegetative et nutritive deservientes, operantur suas acciones per quatuor primas naturales qualitates. Attractiva namque attrahit per calidum et siccum, et retentiva retinet per frigidum et siccum. Digestiva quoque decoquit et digerit per calidum et humidum. Expulsiva vero eicit per frigidum et humidum. Frigidum namque constringit, humidum lubricat et mollit, calidum dilatat et decoquit et que unius nature sunt congregat et segregat que extranee sunt nature, siccum vero suggit, sistit et quietat. Item vis attractiva attrahit per villos longitudinales, et retentiva retinet per villos latitudinales, et expulsiva expellit per villos transversales; et hos villos potest quilibet visu discernere in fissionibus arborum et eciam in coctis carnibus animalium”. Cf. Avicenna, Canon, I. 1. 6. 3, 1507 (reprod. Hildesheim 1964), fol. 23v–24r, which relies here on Galen’s On Natural Faculties. Robert Grosseteste was among the first readers of Avicenna’s Canon, which he quotes in his commentary on Aristotle’s Physics, see Chandelier 2009.
- 26.
Hexaëmeron, X. II. 7, 293; trans. by Martin, 299. Robert Grosseteste of course quotes Genesis: I. 7 in Jerome’s version, which departs, as we have seen, from Augustine’s preferred version. On the action of the soul upon its body according to Robert Grosseteste, see Dales 1995, 313–319.
- 27.
It seems more appropriate to translate here nervi by “nerves” than by “sinews” as Martin does (299). Unlike Aristotle, Grosseteste was probably aware of the function of motive nerves, as his allusion to “corporeal spirits” suggests.
- 28.
Hexaëmeron, VII. XIV. 5, 212; trans. by Martin, 216. The heart is defined as the principle of sense and motion in Aristotle’s Parts of animals, IV. 5, 681b, a text which was available since ca. 1210–1220 in Michael’s Scot’s translation from the Arabic.
- 29.
Ibid., X. II. 3–4, 291. Cf. Augustine, De genesi ad litteram, VII. XVII. 23.
- 30.
Hexaëmeron, IV. XXI. 2, 145; trans. by Martin, 146–147.
- 31.
This is stated by Aristotle in De generatione animalium, I. 19. 726b, but also by medical sources, in particular Avicenna’s Canon, III. 20. 3: “Sperma est superfluitas digestionis quarte que fit cum dispartitur cibus in membris resudando a venis, tertia digestione iam expleta” (Venice, 1507, fol. 352r).
- 32.
Hexaëmeron, IV. XXI. 2, 145; trans. by Martin, 146–147: “Et nisi esset iste modus decisionis seminalis non solum a nutrimento sed a carne vera substantiali—quam vocant quidam ‘carnem secundum speciem’, sicut adgeneratam ex nutrimento vocant ‘carnem secundum materiam’—non vere, ut aiunt, fuissemus omnes in lumbis Ade, si hec itaque sentencia vera est.” The distinction between caro secundum speciem et caro secundum materiam comes from Aristotle’s De generatione et corruptione, I. 5. 321a–322a. In James of Venice’s translation, species translates the Greek word “eidos” and means “form”. Martin in his translation of Hexaëmeron gives “flesh according to its kind”, which, in my view, is not appropriate.
- 33.
- 34.
Bonaventure 1891, 331.
- 35.
- 36.
- 37.
Bonaventure 1891, Collationes in Hexaëmeron, 413.
- 38.
Ibid., 357: “Sed in his omnibus luxuriata est ratio: luxuriata est metaphysica, quia quidam posuerunt mundum aeternum, quia si causa aeterna, et effectus aeternus; et isti male senserunt de causa prima. Similiter mathematici sciverunt numeros et postea ad influentias et secreta cordium venerunt. Naturales sciverunt et de corporibus et mineralibus et dixerunt ‘Ars imitatur naturam’ et nos scimus secreta naturae, ergo nos faciemus vobis aurum et argentum”. On Bonaventure’s role in the Parisian condemnation of the idea of an eternal world, see Grant 1996, 67–70. The Collationes in Hexaëmeron are not taken into account in Grant’s book.
- 39.
Smalley 1981, 241.
- 40.
For instance, in his commentary on Aristotle’s De generatione et corruptione: “Quaeramus igitur, quae causa est, quod generatio sit semper, et illa quae est substantia universaliter, et illa quae est secundum partem ut elementi; numquam enim secundum naturam cessavit nec cessabit generatio. Si autem quis dicat, quod cessabit voluntate dei aliquando generatio, sicut aliquando non fuerit et post hoc cœpit, dico, quod nihil ad me de dei miraculis, cum ergo de naturalibus disseram” (Alberti Magni Opera Omnia, V. 2, 1980, I. 1. 22; henceforth AMOO).
- 41.
De Libera 1990. A clear statement is given in De causis proprietatum elementorum, in the chapter (or digressio) on the causes of floods: “Sunt autem quidam qui omnia haec divinae dispositioni tantum attribuunt et aiunt non debere nos de huiusmodi rebus querere aliam causam nisi voluntatem dei quibus nos in parte consentimus, quia dicimus haec nutu dei mundum gubernantis fieri ad vindictam maleficii hominum. Sed tamen dicimus haec deum facere propter causam naturalem, cuius primus motor est ipse qui cuncta dat moveri. Causas autem suae voluntatis non quaerimus nos, sed quaerimus causas naturales, quae sunt sicut instrumenta quaedam per quae sua voluntas in talibus producitur ad effectum” (AMOO, V. 2, 76).
- 42.
Super Matthaeum, VIII. 14, 1987 (AMOO, XXXI. 1), 287.
- 43.
Avicenna, Canon, IV. 1. 1. 1, 1507, fol. 393r.
- 44.
Siraisi 1980, 401.
- 45.
- 46.
Super Matthaeum, VIII. 8, 278–279.
- 47.
Avicenna, Canon, III. 2. 2, 1507, fol. 197rv.
- 48.
It should be pointed out that the recognition of the primacy of the heart did not necessarily lead one to consider it as the origin of sensation, Jacquart 2003.
- 49.
- 50.
Ziegler 1999, 215.
- 51.
Super Matthaeum, XV. 17, 442. Bede and Rabanus Maurus actually followed Jerome, from whom the allusion to “poros” is also taken, cf. Saint Jerôme, Commentaire sur S. Matthieu…, XV. 17, 442.
- 52.
Super Matthaeum, XV. 17, 442: “Dicamus igitur, quod si quis bene et interius sciat physicam, domini sermones non habent dubitationem, quoniam Aristoteles probavit in I. de generatione, quod caro materialis influit continue et effluit in id quod nutritur, animal quodcumque; caro autem nutrimentalis tota est caro dicta secundum materiam; ergo tota et omnis influit per cibum et effluit per secessionem. Et tamen in medio influxus et effluxus est vera natura corporis; et hoc non negat dominus.” Cf. Aristotle, De generatione et corruptione, I. 5. 321b26, 1986 (Aristoteles Latinus, IX. 1), 30: “Sic utique augmentatur materia carnis, sed non cuicumque parti omni adgeneratur, sed quidem defluit, hoc autem advenit.”
- 53.
Ibid.: “De hac autem resurget, quod satis est ad staturam resurgentis, sicut etima de capillis, ut dicit Augustinus in XXII de civitate dei. Et si non sit in aliquo sicut in pueris, quod satis est de ista, supplebitur ab opifice, et sicut diximus de carne, ita est de aliis membris similibus. Et haec est de sententia Augustini.”
- 54.
Ibid.: “Hoc enim est de veritate humanae naturae, de quo aliquando possum dicere: hoc est vera et vere natura humana. Et hoc possum dicere de omni materia demonstrata sub forma hominis. Sed hoc non est de veritate humanae naturae, sine quo verior est humana natura quam cum ipso, sicut est corruptio et senectus et huiusmodi quae ex peccato acciderunt. Et per hoc solutione omnium.”
- 55.
Cadden 1980, 334.
- 56.
On Albertus’s views, see Arnald of Villanova 2010, 385–396.
- 57.
For instance, in his Postilla super Isaiam, when commenting on the miracle shown in “Achaz horologium,” he refers his reader to his commentary on Ps.-Dionysius’ Epistula ad Apollifanium in which he dealt at length with biblical astronomical miracles (Alberti Magni Opera Omnia, XIX, 1952, 397).
- 58.
Jordan 1988. The main concern of Jordan’s paper was to dismiss the legend according to which Thomas received medical training during his youth in Southern Italy. It was also argued that Thomas’s medical information came from Albert. But even if Thomas actually had no specific medical training (which is highly probable), it does not mean that he had no medical culture, and there is no reason to assume that he was only indebted to Albert for this knowledge. See also Jordan 1992.
- 59.
- 60.
Aquinas 2002, 1.
- 61.
S. Thomae Aquinatis doctoris angelici Super Evangelium S. Matthaei Lectura, 1951, 109, 111. In this edition, the Lectura is erroneously dated between 1256 and 1259, but this dating has been revised by Smalley 1981, 257.
- 62.
Aquinas 1965, Expositio super Iob ad litteram (Sancti Thomae de Aquino Opera Omnia Iussi Leonis XIII P. M. edita, XXVI), 205: “Ubi notandum est quod glaciei causa est frigus quae est qualita feminea, pluviarum autem et roris est calor resolvens et non permittens congelari vaporem: calor autem est qualitas masculina, et ideo signanter circa generationem pluviae et roris usus est nomine patris, circa generationem autem glaciei usus est nomine uteri qui pertinet ad matrem.”
- 63.
Aquinas 1965, Expositio super Iob, VII. 5, 47.
- 64.
Ibid., XVI. 9, 102: “ex infirmitatibus enim corrugatur corpus propter humidi consumptionem sicut et ex senectute.”
- 65.
Ibid., XIV. 5, 91.
- 66.
Avicenna, Canon, I. 3. 3. 1, Capitulum singulare dictionis tertie de causis sanitatis et egritudinis et necessitatis mortis, 1507, fol. 53r: “Unumquodque preterea corpus terminum habet in quo resistat siccitati necessarie complexione sua et calore suo innato et quantitate sua innati humiditatis a quo non removetur, est tamen cum ante adveniunt cause in siccitatem adiuvantes aut alio modo pernecantes. Et multi quidem hominum debent quod isti sunt termini naturales et termini accidentales sunt alii.” On humidum radicale in Thomas’s works, see Jordan 1998, 243–245; Arnald of Villanova, Tractatus, 349–355.
- 67.
Aquinas 1965, Expositio super Iob, XXVI. 7, 145: “Qui extendit aquilonem super vacuum. Per aquilonem intelligit superius haemispherium quoad nos […] super vacuum, quia sub superiori haemisphaerio caeli nihil nobis apparet nisi spatium aere plenum, quod vulgares homines reputant vacuum: loquitur enim secundum aestimationem vulgarium hominum, prout est moris in sacra Scriptura.”
- 68.
Summa Theologiae, Prima pars, qu. 119, art. 1, 1988, 551: “Ad primum ergo dicendum quod Dominus non dicit quod totum quod in os intrat, per secessum emittatur, sed omne, quia de quolibet cibo aliquid impurum per secessum emittitur.— Vel potest dici quod quidquid ex alimento generatur, potest etiam per calorem naturalem resolvi, et per poros quosdam occultos emitti, ut Hieronumus exponit.” For Jerome’s commentary see above, n. 51. On Thomas’s conception of veritas personae humanae, see Principe 1991.
- 69.
Aquinas 1951, Super Evangelium, XV. 17, 201–202: “Sed, sicut dicit Hyeronymus, contra hoc obiiciunt aliqui, dicentes Dominum esse ignarum naturalis scientiae, quia non totum in secessum transmittitur. Unde quidam volentes sic intelligere, quod totum emittatur, volunt quod nihil convertatur in humanam naturam, sed solum quod tractum ab Adam multiplicetur, et hoc resurget. Unde et artifices plumbum ponunt cum auro, ut plumbum consumatur, aurum conservetur. Sic resistunt cibi, ne calor naturalis consumat illud, quod est de virtute naturae. Sed hoc videtur impossibile […] Potest etiam sic dici Omne quod in os, in ventrem vadit, aliquid: unde aliquando in Scriptura totum pro parte sumitur.”
- 70.
Aquinas 1965, Expositio in Iob, XVI. 7, 101: “Est autem duplex dolor: unus quidem interior qui tristicia nominatur, proveniens ex apprehensione alicuius mali inhaerentis; alius autem est dolor exterior qui est dolor secundum sensum, puta ex solutione continui proveniens vel ex aliquo huiusmodi.” See also Avicenna, Canon, I. 2. 2. 1. 19, 1507, fol. 38r: “Dicemus igitur quod dolor est sensibilitas rei contrarie. Omnes vero doloris cause in duobus comprehenduntur generibus, scilicet genere mutationis complexionis cite facte et est malitia complexionis diverse et genere solutionis continuitatis […] dolere non est nisi contrarie rei conrarietatem sentire.”
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Jacquart, D. (2017). Medicine in Some Thirteenth-Century Biblical Commentaries, with a Flashback on Augustine’s De genesi ad litteram . In: Manning, G., Klestinec, C. (eds) Professors, Physicians and Practices in the History of Medicine. Archimedes, vol 50. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-56514-9_3
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