Skip to main content

Lebanon: The Limits of Controlling a National Army in a Sectarian State

  • Chapter
  • First Online:
Reforming Civil-Military Relations in New Democracies
  • 698 Accesses

Abstract

Throughout the twentieth century, civil-military relations in Lebanon were marked by sectarian divisions, ultimately leading to two civil wars. Thereafter, the Syrian occupation of Lebanon from 1990 to 2006 hindered sovereign and effective reforms in the security and defense branches. Since Syria’s withdrawal, institutions for civilian control have been formally established through several reforms. Yet the actual performance of these institutions is deeply flawed. This weak performance can be traced back to Lebanese sectarianism, which up to this day dominates the civilian state apparatus. As civilian policy-making mostly builds on consensus between Lebanon’s sectarian factions, such divisions regularly paralyze the political arena. This chapter will thus focus on the consequences of sectarianism and factionalism on civilian control. It illustrates how sectarianism and factionalism can render institutions of civilian control ineffective. In the Lebanese case, civilians are neither able to agree on adequate security and defense policies, especially in regard to Hezbollah’s militia, nor locate much needed resources to counter new security threats. Further, the chapter shows that the lack of such policies and funding severely reduces the Lebanese Armed Forces’ effectiveness, as it leaves it without a clear role and adequate capacities. On a positive note, the Lebanese military has legitimized itself as a cross-sectarian institution in an environment dominated by sectarianism and is considered a model for multi-sectarian forces. Beyond that, it has developed a security plan to counter current security threats, through which it could successfully locate international resources. The Lebanese Armed Forces can thus play a stabilizing role in a state where civilian authorities fail to provide such stability.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this chapter

Chapter
USD 29.95
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
eBook
USD 129.00
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as EPUB and PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
Softcover Book
USD 169.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Compact, lightweight edition
  • Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
  • Free shipping worldwide - see info
Hardcover Book
USD 169.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Durable hardcover edition
  • Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
  • Free shipping worldwide - see info

Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout

Purchases are for personal use only

Institutional subscriptions

Similar content being viewed by others

Notes

  1. 1.

    The other democratic Arab state is Tunisia, which since the so-called “Arab Spring” is classified as democratic in established measurements of democracy (see BTI 2014a, b; Polity IV 2014; Freedom House 2014a, b).

  2. 2.

    The most recent and comprehensive studies on the sectarian composition and the cross-sectarian image of the LAF are Oren Barak (2006, 2009, 2012), Florence Gaub (2007, 2011a, b) and Anne-Marie Baylouny (2013).

  3. 3.

    Overrepresentation of Christians can be traced back to the period of French rule, in which the Mandate administration heavily recruited Christians to counterweight Sunni pan-Arab sentiments (Bou-Nacklie 1993, p. 645, 653).

  4. 4.

    The National Pact (orig.: Pacte Nationale) was an oral arrangement established by the first Lebanese heads of government after independence. Then-President Bishara al-Khoury and Prime Minister Riad al-Solh agreed on Lebanon’s political autonomy vis-à-vis Arab and Western interests and a power-sharing distribution of influential posts between the confessional communities (El-Khazen 1991, p. 4). Since then, it its political tradition for the Lebanese presidency to be occupied by a Maronite Christian, while the Prime Minister post is held by a Sunni Muslim and the Speaker of Parliament is of Shi’a affiliation (ibid., p. 36).

  5. 5.

    Antagonizing these two blocs indeed means simplifying the conflict given the scope of this contribution. For a detailed analysis of the civil war, the different militant movements, and their specific aims, see Picard (1996, 2000). On underlying causes of the civil war see El-Khazen (2000).

  6. 6.

    Supporting evidence for such allegations has been found by an UN independent investigation commission (Mehlis 2005, p. 5).

  7. 7.

    In their 2014 reports, the BTI and Polity IV have classified Lebanon as democratic, although with low scores, whereas Freedom House categorized it as “partly free”.

  8. 8.

    In the past 10 years, the Defense Minister has never been an active or retired military figure. In contrast, the post of President of the republic has repeatedly been occupied by the former commander of the Lebanese Armed Forces. While judges and high-ranking civil servants are unable to be elected to the presidency during their active service or for 2 years after their resignation, the Lebanese constitution does not hinder military personnel, active or not, from running (Leb. Const., Article 49, Paragraph 3). In the latest crisis of presidential vacancy, current AC Kahwagi had been a favourite candidate to be agreed on (Knudsen 2014, p. 5), before Michel Aoun’s election on 31 October 2016 finally ended the 29-month vacuum.

  9. 9.

    In October 2015, Michel Aoun as the leader of the Free Patriotic Movement, which belongs to the March 8 Faction, started a boycott of cabinet sessions due to the Lebanese government’s inability to agree on a replacement for current Army Commander Jean Kahwaji, whose term had officially ended in September 2015 but was extended for a second time in August 2015 (The Daily Star Lebanon, 13 October 2015).

  10. 10.

    Although there have been attempts towards this end by individual officers before and during the civil war, they have not been regarded as the LAF’s attempt as an institution to impose military rule (El-Khazen 1991; Barak 2009, p. 100ff.).

  11. 11.

    On structural weakness of the Internal Security Forces, see Nashabe (2009).

  12. 12.

    Approval has only been generated for draft budgets during this time span. The provision, which allows for the procedure of adopting the last approved budget, can be found in the Lebanese Constitution, Article 86. Further, a detailed report on fiscal transparency in Lebanon highlighting several general shortcomings in preparation, coordination, and review of the national budget, among others, was published in 2005 by the International Monetary Fund (IMF Report 2005).

References

Download references

Author information

Authors and Affiliations

Authors

Corresponding author

Correspondence to Sophie Kara .

Editor information

Editors and Affiliations

Rights and permissions

Reprints and permissions

Copyright information

© 2017 Springer International Publishing AG

About this chapter

Cite this chapter

Kara, S. (2017). Lebanon: The Limits of Controlling a National Army in a Sectarian State. In: Croissant, A., Kuehn, D. (eds) Reforming Civil-Military Relations in New Democracies. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-53189-2_10

Download citation

Publish with us

Policies and ethics