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The Father’s Right to Kill His Adulterous Daughter in the Late Ius Commune

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Family Law and Society in Europe from the Middle Ages to the Contemporary Era

Part of the book series: Studies in the History of Law and Justice ((SHLJ,volume 5))

Abstract

The father’s right to kill his adulterous daughter that had been introduced by Roman law aroused some interesting discussions among law scholars even in the Modern Age. They accepted the idea that the father could kill his daughter and her lover with impunity in the case of flagrant adultery. This right could be deemed as connected to paternal authority. It was a relic of the ancient ius vitae ac necis which, meanwhile, had developed into a milder right to chastise a disobedient child. Some law scholars dealing with father’s powers between the 16th and the 17th centuries dedicated entire chapters of their works to this considerably interesting topic. The father would be granted impunity only if he had killed his adulterous daughter on certain conditions required by Roman law. The legacy of Roman law on this matter was very clear indeed, but the law scholars of the late ius commune had to update those conditions and to clarify them. Furthermore, law scholars discussed some aspects of the father’s right to kill his adulterous daughter that were still disputed and had not received a definitive solution, such as the father’s possibility to ask someone for help or to kill his daughter despite the fact that she was pregnant. Other important subjects were also dealt with, e.g. presumptions and circumstantial evidences in adultery, which was a hard-to-prove crime. The father’s right to kill his adulterous daughter also caused moral problems because, although it was lawful, it did not prevent the father from committing a mortal sin: in this way, the relationship between internal forum and external forum was often dealt with as a pivotal topic.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    On this topic and with regards to the entanglement between private law and public law in the ius commune see Calasso, Francesco. 1951 (2nd edition). I glossatori e la teoria della sovranità. Studio di diritto comune pubblico. Milano: Giuffrè, 172–175; Quaglioni, Diego. 1977. «Quilibet in domo sua dicitur rex» (in margine ad alcune pagine di Francesco Calasso). Studi senesi 26: 344–358; Quaglioni, Diego. 1983. Politica e diritto nel Trecento italiano. Il « De Tyranno » di Bartolo da Sassoferrato (13141357). Con l’edizione critica dei trattati « De Guelphis et Gebellinis », « De Regimine civitatis » e « De Tyranno ». Firenze: Olschki, 42, who refers to the treatise of Bartolus who stated that the paterfamilias had “aliquid iuris regalis” in ruling his home (see De Tyranno, quaestio 4, 183); Cavina, Marco. 1997. Paterfamilias-Princeps nella tradizione teologica e giuridica bassomedievale. Alcuni sondaggi nelle fonti e nella storiografia. In Landau, Peter, and Mueller, Joers (eds.), Proceedings of the Ninth International Congress of Medieval Canon Law (Munich, 13–18 July 1992), 1137–1153. Città del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana; Bonfield, Lloyd. 2002. Gli sviluppi del diritto di famiglia in Europa. In Barbagli, Marzio, and Kertzer, David I. (eds.), Storia della famiglia in Europa. Dal Cinquecento alla Rivoluzione francese, 121–175. Bari-Roma: Laterza, 166; Cavina, Marco. 2007. Il padre spodestato. L’autorità paterna dall’antichità a oggi. Bari-Roma: Laterza, 50–54.

  2. 2.

    Vismara, Giulio. 1956. L’unità della famiglia nella storia del diritto in Italia. Studia et Documenta Hi storiae et Iuris 22: 228–265, also in Vismara, Giulio. 1988. Scritti di storia giuridica. 5. La famiglia, 1–44. Milano: Giuffrè, 32 and 36–37.

  3. 3.

    Frigo, Daniela. 1985. Il padre di famiglia. Governo della casa e governo civile nella tradizione dell’“economica” tra Cinque e Seicento. Roma: Bulzoni, 75–81.

  4. 4.

    D. 28.2.11: “… licet eos exheredare, quod et occidere licebat”.

  5. 5.

    C. 8.46(47).3: “… patribus, quibus ius vitae in liberos necisque potestas olim erat permissa…”.

  6. 6.

    The father’s right of life or death over his children developed during the history of Rome. The further back in time studies go, towards the origins of the city, the more extended it appears. However, it was not a power completely free from limits, even during a more archaic age, since the ancient mores obliged the father to consult with his family and friends before carrying out such an irreparable deed. From the early monarchy onwards, the killing of children under three years was prohibited (but the exposure of infants born deformed remained acceptable) as well as that of the first born daughter. The ius vitae ac necis underwent significant restrictions during the imperial age and disappeared during post-classical period (Adrian punished a father who had killed his son for misconduct with deportation to an island: D. 48.9.5; Constantine considered the killing of a son as parricide: C. 9.17.1; Valentinian and Valens sanctioned the exposure of infants: C. 8.51[52].2). See Yaron, Reuven. 1962. Vitae necisque potestas. Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis 30: 243–251, 243–244, 248–250; Capogrossi Colognesi, Luigi. 1982. Patria potestà (diritto romano). In Enciclopedia del diritto 32, 242–249. Milano: Giuffrè, 242–243; Capogrossi Colognesi, Luigi. 1984. Idee vecchie e nuove sui poteri del pater familias. In Poteri negotia actiones nella esperienza romana arcaica, Atti del Convegno di diritto romano (Copanello, 12–15 maggio 1982) 53–76. Napoli: Edizioni scientifiche italiane, 56–57; Talamanca, Mario. 1990. Istituzioni di diritto romano. Milano: Giuffré, 120–121.

  7. 7.

    Gl. licebat ad D. 28.2.11, de liberis et postumis heredibus instituendis vel exheredandis l. in suis, that recalled the parallelism with the situation of servi, olim subject to the potestas vitae ac necis of the dominus and hodie subject to a regime at least theoretically more favourable.

  8. 8.

    Clementinus, Ascanius. 1572–1573. De patria potestate. Francoforti ad Moenum: impressum per Nicolaum Bassee, impensis Hieronymi Feyerabend, cap. 6, effectus I, n. 19, 48v.

  9. 9.

    See, for example, de Marsiliis, Hippolytus. 1574. Practica criminalis … Averolda nuncupata. Venetiis: ex Typographia Bartholomei Rubini, § aggredior, n. 79, 252v; Pascalis, Philippus. 1619. De viribus patriae potestatis. Genevae: apud Philippum Albertum, pars 3, cap. 4, n. 7, 530b; Bossius, Ioannes Angelus. 1667. De effectu contractus matrimonii. Lugduni: sumptibus Philippi Borde, Laur. Arnaud et Petri Borde, cap. 3, § 3, 90b.

  10. 10.

    Obedience and respect were the first duties of a son towards his father: see the gl. parentibus ad D. 1.1.2, de iustitia et iure l. veluti (“nota filium debere patri obedire”), also mentioned by Boari, Marco. 2007. La coercizione privata nella Magna Glossa. Tracce fra diritto e violenza. Milano: Giuffrè, 24. The father figure was always considered sacred and inviolable: Bellomo, Manlio. 1966 (reprint 1986). Profili della famiglia italiana nell’età dei comuni. Catania: Giannota, 42–44; Bellomo, Manlio. 1984. Die Familie und ihre rechtliche Struktur in den italienischen Stadtkommunen des Mittelalters (12.–14. Jahrhundert). In Haverkamp, Alfred (ed.), Haus und Familie in der spätmittelalterlichen Stadt, 99–135. Köln-Wien: Böhlau, 107. See also reference by di Renzo Villata, Maria Gigliola. 1995. Persone e famiglia nel diritto medievale e moderno. In Digesto delle discipline privatistiche. Sezione civile 13, 457–527. Torino: Utet, 501, 506.

  11. 11.

    “Erat licita offensio, ergo erat illicita defensio”, stated the golden rule in a logically flawless way, repeated by each author to justify such a terrible fatherly reaction. See, for example, among many others, Bartolus de Saxoferrato. 1555. Prima in Digestum vetus. Lugduni: excudebat Blasius Guido, ad D. 1.1.3, de iustitia et iure l. ut vim, n. 4, 7va, and the beginning of the commentary, which posed the general principle “illud est licitum, cuius contrarium est illicitum”. See also Monticulus, Sebastianus. 1584. Tractatus de patria potestate. In Tractatus illustrium, in utraque, tum Pontificii, tum Caesarei iuris facultate Iurisconsultorum. De ultimis voluntatibus… Tomi VIII Pars II. Venetiis: Franciscus Zilettus, § patri ergo tantum, n. 26, 128va.

  12. 12.

    Menochius, Iacobus. 1615. De Praesumptionibus, Coniecturis, Signis, et Indiciis Commentaria: Coloniae Agrippinae: ex officina Antonii Hierat bibliopolae, lib. 5, praes. 14, n. 1, 978b.

  13. 13.

    See Coll. 4.2.3: “Secundo vero capite permittit patri, si in filia sua, quam in potestate habet, aut in ea, quae eo auctore, cum in potestate esset, viro in manum convenerit, adulterum domi suae generive sui deprehenderit, isve in eam rem socerum adhibuerit, ut is pater eum adulterum sine fraude occidat, ita ut filiam in continenti occidat”. See Capogrossi Colognesi 1982 (as n. 6) 243; Talamanca 1990 (as n. 6) 144; Rizzelli, Giunio. 1997. Lex Iulia de adulteriis. Studi sulla disciplina di adulterium, lenocinium, stuprum. Lecce: Edizioni del Grifo, 19.

  14. 14.

    On the subject of adultery in medieval and modern age there is an abundant historiography, which has analysed both ius civile and canon law. It is usually focused on important topics regarding the configuration of adultery as a crime, the violation of religious and moral principles, the consequences—also juridical—of this action in the relationship between husband and wife. For these different aspects, obviously without claiming to be complete, see, for example, Brundage, James A. 1980. Carnal Delight: Canonistic Theories of Sexuality. In Kuttner, Stephan, and Pennington, Kenneth (eds.), Proceedings of the Fifth International Congress of Medieval Canon Law, 361–385. Città del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, also in Brundage, James A. 1993. Sex, Law and Marriage in the Middle Ages, I. Aldershot: Ashgate, 370–377; Brundage, James A. 1986. Marriage and Sexuality in the Decretals of Pope Alexander III. In Liotta, Filippo (ed.), Miscellanea Rolando Bandinelli Papa Alessandro III, 59–83. Siena: Accademia Senese degli Intronati, also in Brundage, James A. 1993. Sex, Law and Marriage in the Middle Ages, IX. Aldershot: Ashgate, 71–72; Brundage, James A. 1987. Law, Sex, and Christian Society in Medieval Europe. Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 30–32, 207–209, and 248; Brundage, James A. 1990. Sexual Equality in Medieval Canon Law. In Rosenthal, Joel T. (ed.), Medieval Women and the Sources of Medieval History, 66–79. Athens: University of Georgia Press, also in Brundage, James A. 1993. Sex, Law and Marriage in the Middle Ages, VI. Aldershot: Ashgate, 61–70; Davidson, Nicholas. 1994. Theology, Nature and the Law: Sexual Sin and Sexual Crime in Italy from the Fourteenth to the Seventeenth Century. In Dean, Trevor, and Lowe, Kate J.P. (eds.), Crime, Society and the Law in Renaissance Italy, 74–98. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 89 and 94; Minnucci, Giovanni. 1994. La capacità processuale della donna nel pensiero canonistico classico. 2. Dalle scuole d’Oltralpe a S. Raimondo di Pennaforte. Milano: Giuffrè, 267–279; Minnucci, Giovanni. 1998. Processo e condizione femminile nel pensiero dei primi glossatori civilisti. Studia Gratiana 30: 641–660, 652–653, and 657–660; Minnucci, Giovanni. 1999. Processo e condizione femminile nella canonistica classica. In Liotta, Filippo (ed.), Studi di storia del diritto medioevale e moderno, 129–183. Bologna: Monduzzi, 170–183; Marchisello, Andrea. 2004. “Alieni thori violatio”: l’adulterio come delitto carnale in Prospero Farinacci (1544–1618). In Seidel Menchi, Silvana, and Quaglioni, Diego (eds.), Trasgressioni. Seduzione, concubinato, adulterio, bigamia (XIV–XVIII secolo), 133–183. Bologna: il Mulino; Dean, Trevor. 2010. Crime and Justice in Late Medieval Italy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 138–141; Cavina, Marco. 2011. Nozze di sangue. Storia della violenza coniugale. Bari–Roma: Laterza, 68–81; di Renzo Villata, Maria Gigliola. 2014. “Crimen adulterii est gravius aliis delictis…”. L’adultera tra diritto e morale nell’area italiana (XIII–XVI secolo). In Cavina, Marco, Ribémont, Bernard, and Hoxha, Damigela (eds.), Le donne e la giustizia fra Medioevo ed età moderna. Il caso di Bologna a confronto, 11–45. Bologna: Patron; di Renzo Villata, Gigliola. 2015. Dall’amore coniugale ‘proibito’ all’infedeltà. L’adulterio nelle Summae confessorum italiane (XIV–XVI secolo). Italian Review of Legal History 1: 02, 1–41. The problem from the point of view of the relationship between father and daughter in adultery is mentioned in Cavina 2007 (as n. 1) 86; Cavina 2011, 68–69; di Renzo Villata 2014, 16–17, 35; di Renzo Villata 2015, 19–20.

  15. 15.

    Clarus, Julius. 1587. Sententiarum receptarum liber quintus. Venetiis: apud Cornelium Arrivabenum, § homicidium, vers. ultima est defensio, 34ra.

  16. 16.

    The right of emendatio and correctio of the son was, in fact, conceived as the evolution of the powers which were once much more penetrating and incisive, such as a reduction of the original extensive patria potestas which could also be expressed in a harsh and cruel way. Hence, the right of life and death was put into direct relationship with the different way of understanding the ius corrigendi and its putting into practice. Once the ius vitae ac necis was eliminated, parents could apply “quaedam decens emendatio” in the correction of their children. Cf. Clementinus 1572 (as n. 8) cap. 6, effectus I, n. 11, 47v; Monticulus 1584 (as n. 11) § patri ergo tantum, nn. 22–25, 128rb; Pascalis 1619 (as n. 9) pars 3, cap. 4, n. 1, 529b–530a.

  17. 17.

    Thomas, Yan. 1984. Vitae necisque potestas. Le père, la cité, la mort. In Du châtiment dans la cité. Supplices corporels et peine de mort dans le monde antique. Table ronde de Rome (9–11 novembre 1982), 499–548. Rome: École Française de Rome, 501; Cantarella, Eva. 1991. Homicides of Honor. The Developement of Italian Adultery Law over two Millennia. In Kertzer, David I., and Saller, Richard P. (eds.), The Family in Italy, from Antiquity to the Present, 229–244. New Haven-London: Yale University Press; Italian translation: Cantarella, Eva. 1995. L’omicidio d’onore: lo sviluppo della legislazione italiana attraverso due millenni. In Kertzer, David I., and Saller, Richard P. (eds.), La famiglia in Italia dall’antichità al XX secolo, 255–272. Firenze: Le Lettere, with some modifications also Cantarella, Eva. 1992. La causa d’onore dalla «Lex Iulia» al codice Rocco. In Testimonium amicitiae, 73–94. Milano: Giuffrè, also in Cantarella, Eva. 2011. Diritto e società in Grecia e a Roma. Scritti scelti, Maffi, Alberto, and Gagliardi, Lorenzo (eds.), 555–576. Milano: Giuffrè 256–259. Benke, Nikolaus. 2012. On the Roman Father’s Right to Kill His Adulterous Daughter. The History of the Family 17.3: 284–308, 286–288, does not share this opinion. The connection between ius adulterum cum filia occidendi and paternal ius vitae ac necis is also discussed by Rizzelli 1997 (as n. 13) 32–35.

  18. 18.

    Monticulus was born in Vicenza and was one of the most famous scholars of the second part of the 16th century in Padua. He wrote several treatises, including a short Tractatus seu commentarius de patria potestate (1576) also included in the Tractatus universi iuris (De ultimis voluntatibus, tomus VIII, pars II). Cf. Faggion, Lucien. 2013. Montecchio (Monticelli), Sebastiano. In Birocchi, Italo, Cortese, Ennio, Mattone, Antonello, and Miletti, Marco Nicola (eds.), Dizionario biografico dei giuristi italiani (XIIXX secolo) (DBGI) 2, 1368. Bologna: il Mulino.

  19. 19.

    Monticulus 1584 (as n. 11) § patri ergo tantum, n. 26, 128rb, and § ius autem, n. 24, 134va.

  20. 20.

    Pascalis studied as a lawyer in Naples. He served as a magistrate in some towns of the Kingdom. He was a judge of the Great Court of the Vicaria as well as a member of the Sacred Royal Council. He published his only work in 1618, De viribus patriae potestatis, the most extensive and complete monographic study dedicated by jurists of the late ius commune to the numerous problems connected to the institution of parental authority. See Sinisi, Lorenzo. 2013. Pascali, Filippo. In DBGI 2 (as n. 18) 1516.

  21. 21.

    Bossius was born in Milan and was sent to study humanistic, philosophical and legal subjects. He was a Barnabite (and general of the Order starting from 1653), and Councillor in law of Grand Duke Ferdinando II de’ Medici. He wrote essays regarding theology and Christian morals, which earned him solid reputation as a writer of treatises and authoritative interpreter of canon law. Among these we can name De effectibus contractus matrimonii: see Castronovo, Valerio. 1971. Bossi, Giovanni Angelo. In Dizionario biografico degli italiani 13, 309–310. Roma: Istituto della Enciclopedia italiana.

  22. 22.

    Cavina 2007 (as n. 1) 85.

  23. 23.

    See Pascalis 1619 (as n. 9) pars 1, cap. 5, nn. 1–34, 92–98; Bossius 1667 (as n. 9) cap. 3, § 2, 60b–80b.

  24. 24.

    Pascalis 1619 (as n. 9) pars 1, cap. 5, n. 1, 92.

  25. 25.

    Pratus, Franciscus Maria. 1655. Adnotationes ad Pascalis, Philippus, Tractatus amplissimus de viribus patriae potestatis. Venetiis: Bertanorum sumptibus, pars 1, cap. 5, 21a: “inter effectus patriae potestatis, ille uti praecipuus sit adnumerandus, nempe, Genitori licitum fieri filiam in adulterio deprehensam insimul cum adultero interficere, nullius poenae obnoxio”.

  26. 26.

    Bossius 1667 (as n. 9) cap. 3, § 2, n. 46, 63b.

  27. 27.

    To those theologians who had supported the repeal of these provisions in everyday use and who, therefore, did not acknowledge any—civil, natural or divine—right to the father to kill his daughter caught committing adultery, Bossius 1667 (as n. 9) cap. 3, § 2, n. 46, 63b, replied highlighting that if the doctores had never spoken about the repeal, then it was assumed that they considered the father’s right still applicable.

  28. 28.

    Rizzelli 1997 (as n. 13) 10–11.

  29. 29.

    However, the right to kill the lover of the unfaithful wife was subject to some restrictions relating to the man’s personal condition (he had to be vilis) and the place of the crime (only in the husband’s house). Subsequent legislations, especially the Nov. 117.15 (= Coll. 8.13), extended this power. See Cantarella, Eva. 1976. Studi sull’omicidio in diritto greco e romano. Milano: Giuffrè, 171–174, 183–189; Cohen, David. 1991. The Augustan Law on Adultery. The Social and Cultural Context. In Kertzer, David I., and Saller, Richard P. (eds.), The Family in Italy, from Antiquity to the Present, 109–126. New Haven-London: Yale University Press; Italian translation: Cohen, David. 1995. Le leggi augustee sull’adulterio: il contesto sociale e culturale. In Kertzer, David I., and Saller, Richard P. (eds.), La famiglia in Italia dall’antichità al XX secolo, 123–142. Firenze: Le Lettere, 125. These rules then evolved a little in favour of the husband: see Rizzelli 1997 (as n. 13) 12–18.

  30. 30.

    These reasons are given by Papinian (D. 48.5.23[22].4). Cf. Cantarella 1976 (as n. 29) 171; Thomas 1984 (as n. 17) 502; Cohen 1991 (as n. 29) 133; Rizzelli 1997 (as n. 13) 65; Cantarella, Eva. 2014 (4th edition). L’ambiguo malanno. Condizione e immagine della donna nell’antichità greca e romana. Milano: Feltrinelli, 184–186.

  31. 31.

    Bossius 1667 (as n. 9) cap. 3, § 2, n. 37, 61a. See also Clementinus 1572 (as n. 8) cap. 4, nn. 11–12, 14v–15r, and cap. 6, effectus I, n. 10, 47v; Pascalis 1619 (as n. 9) pars 3, cap. 4, n. 2, 530a.

  32. 32.

    For example, the differences between the rights of the husband and of the father over the adulteress were already clearly pointed out in Minnucci, Giovanni (ed.). 1997. Tractatus criminum saeculi XII. Bologna: Monduzzi, 28–29. Franciscus Accursii in the casus ad D. 48.5.21(20), ad legem Juliam de adulteriis coercendis l. patri, distinguished a “paternus furor”, which could be controlled, from a “viri furor”, which, on the other hand, could not be held back: this was sufficient to establish the different disciplines. For a synthesis in the Gloss see Boari 2007 (as n. 10) 90–93. For an overview of the differences between the two disciplines by an author of the late ius commune see Bossius 1667 (as n. 9) cap. 3, § 2, nn. 78–82, 72ab.

  33. 33.

    For example, Carerius, Ludovicus. 1562. Practica causarum criminalium. Lugduni: apud Gulielmum Rovillium, Tractatus de homicidio et assassinio, § nono excusatur, nn. 7–8, 197r, indicated that despite being inconsistent with the provisions of the ius commune, in the Kingdom of Naples a constitution allowed the husband to do what Roman law only authorized the father to do, that is to kill both lovers caught in the act of adultery, without taking into consideration the social status of the man (“si maritus uxorem in ipso actu adulterij deprehenderit, tam adulterum, quam uxorem occidere licebit, nulla tamen mora protracta”: cf. 1568. Constitutiones Regni utriusque Siciliae. Lugduni: apud haeredes Iacobi Iunctae, tit. 90, 277b). The ordinary gloss and the comment of Andrea de Isernia annotating the text confirmed that it was an exception to the rules of the ius commune. For this and other similar derogations from the ius commune by statutory laws see di Renzo Villata 2014 (as n. 14) 21–29.

  34. 34.

    Monticulus 1584 (as n. 11) § patri ergo tantum, n. 26, 128rb, on this occasion spoke of a “pietas, et charitas” which “omne odium removet”. It was an attempt to characterize this remnant of the ancient ius vitae ac necis as exceptional. The insistence on the endless kindness and virtues of the father seems to reinforce the idea that the parent who had made such a choice could only be in the right.

  35. 35.

    D. 48.5.21(20), D. 48.5.22(21), D. 48.5.23(22), D. 48.5.24(23), D. 48.5.25(24), D. 48.5.33(32).

  36. 36.

    See Cantarella 1976 (as n. 29) 164–170; Cantarella 1991 (as n. 17) 257–258; Rizzelli 1997 (as n. 13) 19–22.

  37. 37.

    Cf. Cantarella 1991 (as n. 17) 260; Cohen 1991 (as n. 29) 139; Rizzelli 1997 (as n. 13) 66.

  38. 38.

    de Gambilionibus, Angelus. 1555. De maleficiis. Lugduni: apud haeredes Iacobi Iuntae, § che hai adulterato la mia donna, nn. 8–15, 366a–367a: that the father killed his daughter 1. caught in the act of committing adultery; 2. in the father’s house or in the husband’s; 3. together with her lover; 4. still under his authority; 5. personally, without handing over the work to others; 6. under his authority at the time of the murder, regardless of the condition at the time of marriage; 7. who was married.

  39. 39.

    Clarus 1587 (as n. 15) § homicidium, vers. dixi etiam, 34rb: that the father killed his daughter 1. in one go; 2. under his authority; 3. who was committing adultery in the father’s house or in the husband’s; 4. who was married; 6. caught in the act of committing adultery. For this passage see Massetto, Gian Paolo. 1979. I reati nell’opera di Giulio Claro. Studia et Documenta Historiae et Iuris 45: 328–503, also in Massetto, Gian Paolo. 1994. Saggi di storia del diritto penale lombardo (secc. XVIXVIII), 61–227. Milano: LED, 371.

  40. 40.

    Pascalis 1619 (as n. 9) pars 1, cap. 5, n. 2, 92a: that the father killed his daughter 1. immediately after discovering the event; 2. under his authority; 3. who was committing adultery in the father’s house or in the husband’s; 4. who was married; 5. caught in the act of committing adultery; 6. and her lover at the same time.

  41. 41.

    Bossius 1667 (as n. 9) cap. 3, § 2, n. 48, 64a: that the father killed his daughter 1. immediately after discovering the event; 2. if possible, with the adulterer; 3. under his authority; 4. who was committing adultery in the father’s house or in the husband’s; 5. who was married; 6. caught in the act of committing adultery.

  42. 42.

    Bossius 1667 (as n. 9) cap. 3, § 2, n. 49, 64b: “hoc verbum incontinenti, non significat semper idem tempus, sed modo maius, modo minus intervallum”.

  43. 43.

    Pascalis 1619 (as n. 9) pars 1, cap. 5, n. 3, 92b.

  44. 44.

    de Gambilionibus 1555 (as n. 38) § che hai adulterato la mia donna, n. 17, 367b; Pascalis 1619 (as n. 9) pars 1, cap. 5, n. 3, 92b. The casus of Franciscus Accursii ad D. 48.5.21[20], ad legem Juliam de adulteriis coercendis l. patri, had already clarified this idea believing that the father “quasi incontinenti videatur occidere”.

  45. 45.

    Augustinus Ariminensis. 1555. Additio ad Angelus de Gambilionibus, De maleficiis, Lugduni: apud haeredes Iacobi Iuntae, § che hai adulterato la mia donna, n. 21, 369a.

  46. 46.

    Cf. Rizzelli 1997 (as n. 13) 19; Cantarella 2014 (as n. 30) 185.

  47. 47.

    Pascalis 1619 (as n. 9) pars 1, cap. 5, n. 13, 94ab. The Gloss had already clearly indicated how the double murder was a condition for the impunity of the father: see gl. occidi potuerit ad C. 9.9.4pr., ad legem Juliam de adulteriis et stupro l. Gracchus, which authorized the father to kill the adulterer “dummodo et filiam occidat”. See also the gl. adulterum cum filia ad D. 48.5.21(20), ad legem Juliam de adulteriis coercendis l. patri: “eum et filiam, non adulterum tantum”.

  48. 48.

    de Gambilionibus 1555 (as n. 38) § che hai adulterato la mia donna, n. 11, 366b–367a; Decianus, Tiberius. 1591. Tractatus criminalis … Tomus secundus, Francofurti ad Moenum: impensis Petri Fischeri, lib. 9, cap. 15, n. 17, 106b; Farinaccius, Prosperus. 1631. Praxis et theoricae criminalis pars quarta, Lugduni: sumptibus Iacobi Cardon, pars 4, q. 121, nn. 31–32, 148b–149a.

  49. 49.

    Cf. D. 48.5.23(22)pr. See de Gambilionibus 1555 (as n. 38) § che hai adulterato la mia donna, n. 16, 367b; Carerius 1562 (as n. 33) Tractatus de homicidio et assassinio, § octavo excusatur, n. 11, 196r; Farinaccius 1631 (as n. 48) pars 4, q. 121, nn. 2–3, 146a. A father retained his potestas over a married daughter, so that paternal authority coexisted with the control over the daughter wielded by her husband: Kuehn, Thomas. 1981. Women, Marriage, and Patria Potestas in Late Medieval Florence. Tijdschrift voor Rechtsgeschiedenis 49: 127–147, also in Kuehn, Thomas. 1991. Law, Family, & Women. Toward a Legal Anthropology of Renaissance Italy, 197–211. Chicago-London: The University of Chicago Press, 210.

  50. 50.

    Farinaccius 1631 (as n. 48) pars 4, q. 121, n. 3, 146a; Bossius 1667 (as n. 9) cap. 3, § 2, n. 51, 65a.

  51. 51.

    D. 48.5.21(20) and D. 48.5.22(21) were explicit from this point of view. Cf. Farinaccius 1631 (as n. 48) pars 4, q. 121, n. 35, 149a; Bossius 1667 (as n. 9) cap. 3, § 2, n. 52, 65a.

  52. 52.

    Decianus 1591 (as n. 48) lib. 9, cap. 15, n. 14, fol 106a: “quia non tanta est iniuria, si alienam domum foedavit”. Bossius 1667 (as n. 9) cap. 3, § 2, n. 56, 65b, informed that justice of Roman law was also shared by theologians, who he never failed to mention, attentive as he was towards both moral and legal aspects of each issue.

  53. 53.

    Farinaccius 1631 (as n. 48) q. 121, n. 26, 148a.

  54. 54.

    Mazzacane, Aldo. 2013. Farinacci, Prospero. In DBGI 1 (as n. 18) 822–825, 824.

  55. 55.

    Farinaccius 1631 (as n. 48) pars 4, q. 121, nn. 27–28, 148ab. He also referred to some scholars’ point of view, who considered as ‘home’ a place different from the family home only if it was located in the same territory or district.

  56. 56.

    Bossius 1667 (as n. 9) cap. 3, § 2, n. 56, 65b.

  57. 57.

    de Gambilionibus 1555 (as n. 38) § che hai adulterato la mia donna, n. 17, 367b.

  58. 58.

    de Gambilionibus 1555 (as n. 38) § che hai adulterato la mia donna, n. 15, 367a; Baiardus, Iohannes Baptista. 1617. Additiones et adnotationes … ad Julii Clari Receptarum Sententiarum Libros V. Francofurti: officina typographica Nicolai Hoffmanni, impensis Ioannis Bassaei, § homicidium, n. 169, 59b; Farinaccius 1631 (as n. 48) pars 4, q. 121, n. 37, 149a; Bossius 1667 (as n. 9) cap. 3, § 2, n. 57, 66a.

  59. 59.

    Baiardus 1617 (as n. 58) § homicidium, n. 169, 59b; Farinaccius 1631 (as n. 48) pars 4, q. 121, n. 38, 149b; Bossius 1667 (as n. 9) cap. 3, § 2, n. 58, 66a.

  60. 60.

    With regards to circumstantial evidences able to prove the act of adultery see, for example, di Renzo Villata 2014 (as n. 14) 17–18, 31; di Renzo Villata 2015 (as n. 14) 9–10, 16.

  61. 61.

    Gl. in ipsis rebus ad D. 48.5.24(23)pr., ad legem Juliam de adulteriis coercendis l. quod ait lex.

  62. 62.

    Cf. the casus ad D. 48.5.21(20), ad legem Juliam de adulteriis coercendis l. patri.

  63. 63.

    Bartolus de Saxoferrato. 1555. Commentaria in secundam Digesti novi partem. Lugduni: [Compagnie des libraires de Lyon], ad D. 48.5.24(23)pr., ad legem Juliam de adulteriis coercendis l. quod ait lex, nn. 1–2, 190rb–191va.

  64. 64.

    de Gambilionibus 1555 (as n. 38) § che hai adulterato la mia donna, n. 9, 366ab.

  65. 65.

    Rolandus a Valle. 1584. Consiliorum seu mavis responsorum … volumen secundum. Francoforti: apud Martinum Lechlerum, impensis Sigismundi Feyrabendii, cons. 34, nn. 6–7, 115ab.

  66. 66.

    For further presumptions of adultery Pascalis 1619 (as n. 9) pars 1, cap. 5, n. 8, 93b, referred to the numerous authorities cited by Mascardus, Ioseph. 1593. De probationibus … volumen primum. Francofurti ad Moenum: impensis haeredum Sigismundi Feyrabendii, concl. 64, n. 1, 68vb, and by Caballus, Petrus. 1613. Resolutionum criminalium … centuriae tres. Francoforti: e Collegio Paltheniano, cent. 3, casus 300, nn. 28–29, 281b–282a.

  67. 67.

    Bossius 1667 (as n. 9) cap. 3, § 2, n. 76, 71b.

  68. 68.

    Decianus 1591 (as n. 48) lib. 9, cap. 15, n. 15, 106b. Pascalis 1619 (as n. 9) pars 1, cap. 5, n. 9, 93b, for the evidence of the committing of adultery referred to Baldus de Ubaldis. 1589. Consiliorum, sive responsorum … volumen secundum. Francofurti ad Moenum: impensis Sigismundi Feyrabendij, cons. 445, n. 1, 108ra, reference point of the subject, as demonstrated by the numerous citations that he received from subsequent scholars.

  69. 69.

    Cf. Farinaccius 1631 (as n. 48) pars 4, q. 121, nn. 42–43, 149b–150a, always generous with citations. Bossius 1667 (as n. 9) cap. 3, § 2, nn. 60–76, 66a–71b, was also comprehensive in retracing all the nuances of the debate (including an excursus about hard-to-prove crimes and the function and probative value of presumptions).

  70. 70.

    de Gambilionibus 1555 (as n. 38) § che hai adulterato la mia donna, n. 11, 366a; Decianus 1591 (as n. 48) lib. 9, cap. 15, n. 16, 106b; Cephalus, Iohannes. 1624. Consiliorum sive responsorum iuris liber tertius. Francofurti: sumptibus Godefridi Tampachii bibliopolae, cons. 305, n. 8, 36b.

  71. 71.

    Bossius 1667 (as n. 9) cap. 3, § 2, n. 83, 72b, who reported the opinion of others.

  72. 72.

    Meccarelli, Massimo. 1998. Arbitrium. Un aspetto sistematico degli ordinamenti giuridici in età di diritto comune. Milano: Giuffrè, 195–254.

  73. 73.

    Grammaticus, Thomas. 1562. In Constitutionibus, Capitulis, et Pragmaticis Regni Neapolitani et Ritibus Magnae Curiae Vicariae Additiones, et Apostillae. Venetiis: impressum apud Ioannem Variscum, expensis D. Baptistae de Christophoro Bibliopolae Parthenopei, const. si maritus, n. 8, 110rb; Baiardus 1617 (as n. 58) § homicidium, n. 167, 59b; Farinaccius 1631 (as n. 48) pars 4, q. 121, nn. 4–5, 146ab, who reported perfectly all ‘sides’ on the point, starting from the fundamental Bartolus de Saxoferrato 1555 (as n. 11) ad D. 1.5.8, de statu hominum l. Imperator, n. 2, 28ra, who had set out the line to follow, becoming essential reference point for the advocates of the father’s impunity. Caballus 1613 (as n. 66) cent. 3, casus 300, n. 83, 286a, stated that he would have solved the case this way if he had ever had to be the judge. Pascalis 1619 (as n. 9) pars 1, cap. 5, n. 14, 94b, on his part, approved the slightly more strict interpretation towards the father who killed his pregnant daughter.

  74. 74.

    C. 17 q. 4 c. 29, on which see Helmholz, Richard. 1988. ‘Si quis suadente’: Theory and Practice. In Linehan, Peter (ed.), Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress of Medieval Canon Law (Cambridge, 23–27 July 1984): 425–438. Città del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana.

  75. 75.

    The v. turpiter ad X. 5.39.3, de sententia excommunicationis c. si vero, justified the exception to this rule in the usual way: “parcit canon, quia tam iustum dolorem compescere non posset”.

  76. 76.

    Clarus 1587 (as n. 15) § homicidium, vers. dixi etiam, 34rb; Baiardus 1617 (as n. 58) § homicidium, n. 174, 59b–60a; Farinaccius 1631 (as n. 48) pars 4, q. 121, nn. 6–7, 146b; Caballus 1613 (as n. 66) cent. 3, casus 300, n. 42, 282b; Bossius 1667 (as n. 9) cap. 3, § 2, n. 102, 78b–79a. Pascalis 1619 (as n. 9) pars 1, cap. 5, n. 15, 94b, informed that many times the father had preferred to evirate the cleric caught during ambiguous behaviour with his daughter.

  77. 77.

    Bossius 1667 (as n. 9) cap. 3, § 2, n. 102, 78b.

  78. 78.

    de Gambilionibus 1555 (as n. 38) § che hai adulterato la mia donna, n. 13, 367a; Carerius 1562 (as n. 33) Tractatus de homicidio et assassinio, § nono quaero, n. 18, 120r, and § octavo excusatur, n. 8, 196r; Decianus 1591 (as n. 48) lib. 9, cap. 15, n. 18, 106b; Baiardus 1617 (as n. 58) § homicidium, n. 170, 59b; Farinaccius 1631 (as n. 48) pars 4, q. 121, n. 48, 150b; Pascalis 1619 (as n. 9) pars 1, cap. 5, n. 19, 95a; Bossius 1667 (as n. 9) cap. 3, § 2, n. 53, 65a. The question of whether it was lawful for the brother to kill his adulterous sister caught in the act of committing adultery was the only topic dealt with by Pratus in his adnotationes to this chapter of Pascalis’s work (Pratus 1655 [as n. 25] 21b), before concentrating his attention to the more frequent problem of the betrayed husband.

  79. 79.

    For the communis opinio about this point, see Vivius, Franciscus. 1582. Sylvae communium opinionum doctorum utriusque censurae … liber primus. Aquilae: apud Georgium Daghanum Monteripellium Sabaudium, opinio 33, n. 11, 27b; Farinaccius 1631 (as n. 48) pars 4, q. 121, nn. 18–19, 147ab, and n. 79, 154ab; Caballus 1613 (as n. 66) cent. 3, casus 300, nn. 54–55, 283b–284a, and the numerous authorities cited by them.

  80. 80.

    Gl. occidi potuerit ad C. 9.9.4pr., ad legem Juliam de adulteriis et stupro l. Gracchus.

  81. 81.

    C. 6.26.11.1: “natura pater et filius eadem persona paene intelleguntur”. “Pater et filius una identitas sunt”: Baldus de Ubaldis. 1589. Consiliorum, sive responsorum … volumen primum. Francofurti ad Moenum: impensis Sigismundi Feyrabendij, cons. 234, n. 1, 62rb. On this matter see Lobrano, Giovanni. 1984. Pater et filius eadem persona. 1. Per lo studio della patria potestas. Milano: Giuffrè.

  82. 82.

    Due to a presumption going far back and commonly accepted, the love of the father towards his son was thought to be greater than the love of the son towards his father. Cf. gl. magis ad D. 4.2.8, de eo quod metus causa l. isti quidem: “pater plus diligit filium quam seipsum. Illud constat quod plus pater filium quam filius patrem diligit”; gl. diximus ad D. 28.1.20.3, qui testamenta facere possunt, et quemadmodum testamenta fiant l. qui testamento § quae autem: “[pater] plus diligit filium, quam econtra filius patrem”. See also the gl. institueret ad D. 28.5.46, de haeredibus instituendis l. quidam, which stated that “filium non posse invenire meliorem amicum quam patrem”. Albericus de Rosate. 1572. Dictionarium iuris tam civilis, quam canonici. Venetiis: apud Guerreos fratres, et socios, sub voce Filius, explained the reason for this preferential love, using a ‘bucolic’ metaphor: “Filius plus diligitur a patre, quam econtra. Humor enim ascendit a trunco ad ramos”. See Bellomo 1984 (as n. 10) 108.

  83. 83.

    All these reasons were summarized with numerous citations by Bossius 1667 (as n. 9) cap. 3, § 2, nn. 87–88, 73b–74a.

  84. 84.

    Koch, Elisabeth. 1991. Maior dignitas est in sexu virili. Das weibliche Geschlecht im Normensystem des 16. Jahrhunderts. Frankfurt am Main: Vittorio Klostermann, 121–122; di Renzo Villata 2014 (as n. 14) 15–18.

  85. 85.

    Cavina 2011 (as n. 14) 73–81.

  86. 86.

    Augustinus Ariminensis 1555 (as n. 45) § che hai adulterato la mia donna, n. 24, 370a.

  87. 87.

    Clarus 1587 (as n. 15) § homicidium, vers. dubium est, 34vab. See also Vivius 1582 (as n. 79) opinio 33, n. 10, 27b, and above all Caballus 1613 (as n. 66) cent. 3, casus 300, nn. 45–53, 283a–284a, who reconstructed the broad debate referring to the different positions.

  88. 88.

    de Gambilionibus 1555 (as n. 38) § che hai adulterato la mia donna, n. 24, 369b; Caballus 1613 (as n. 66) cent. 3, casus 300, n. 72, 285a.

  89. 89.

    de Afflictis, Matthaeus. 1580. In utriusque Siciliae, Neapolisque Sanctiones, et Constitutiones novissima Praelectio … Secunda Commentarii Pars in Secundum et Tertium earundem constitutionum Librum. Venetiis: apud Ioannem Variscum, et Socios, rubr. 46, ad const. si maritus, nn. 3–4, 175rb–175va.

  90. 90.

    The debate was well reconstructed, as usual, by Farinaccius 1631 (as n. 48) pars 4, q. 121, nn. 83–85, 154b, and by Bossius 1667 (as n. 9) cap. 3, § 2, nn. 88–89, 74b–75a.

  91. 91.

    Farinaccius 1631 (as n. 48) pars 4, q. 121, n. 20, 147b.

  92. 92.

    Baiardus 1617 (as n. 58) § homicidium, n. 185, 60a; Caballus 1613 (as n. 66) cent. 3, casus 300, nn. 58–60, 284ab.

  93. 93.

    Caballus 1613 (as n. 66) cent. 3, casus 300, n. 73, 285a.

  94. 94.

    Pascalis 1619 (as n. 9) pars 1, cap. 5, n. 26, 96b. This opinion was also shared by Bossius 1667 (as n. 9) cap. 3, § 2, n. 91, 75b.

  95. 95.

    Sorice, Rosalba. 2012. “Impune occidetur, licite occidetur?”. La non punibilità dell’omicidio nella dottrina medievale e moderna. In Schmoeckel, Mathias, Condorelli, Orazio, and Roumy, Frank (eds.), Der Einfluss der Kanonistik auf die Europäische Rechtskultur. 3. Straf- und Strafprozessrecht, 99–106. Köln Weimar Wien: Böhlau.

  96. 96.

    Cephalus 1624 (as n. 70) cons. 305, 36a–37a, who suggested to solve in this sense the case “miseratione digno, ac pietate” regarding a father who had killed his only daughter caught committing flagrant adultery with one of his servants; Baiardus 1617 (as n. 58) § homicidium, n. 173, 59b, nn. 179–180, 60a; Farinaccius 1631 (as n. 48) pars 4, q. 121, nn. 53–55, 150b–151a; Pascalis 1619 (as n. 9) pars 1, cap. 5, n. 28, 96b; Bossius 1667 (as n. 9) cap. 3, § 2, nn. 84–86, 73ab. For the opposite opinion, see Caballus 1613 (as n. 66) cent. 3, casus 300, n. 43, 282b, who related to Clarus (see the following notes).

  97. 97.

    Bossius 1667 (as n. 9) cap. 3, § 2, n. 49, 64b (killing ex intervallo); n. 50, 64b (killing of either the daughter or her lover); n. 56, 65b (killing of the daughter in the father’s house, in which the father, however, did not live); n. 58, 66a (killing of the widowed or unmarried daughter); n. 60, 66b (killing of the daughter caught committing acts that are preliminary to adultery, given the interpretation that recognized the res Veneris mentioned by Roman law only in the consummation of the sexual act itself); n. 76, 71b (killing of the daughter caught committing acts that are preliminary to adultery in the absence of other circumstances required to supplement the presumption that adultery was consumed, given the interpretation that recognized the res Veneris mentioned in Roman law in the praeludia adulterii); 77, 71b–72a (where the general rule was repeated).

  98. 98.

    Cf. Bossius 1667 (as n. 9) cap. 3, § 2, n. 84, 73a, and nn. 92–101, 75b–78b.

  99. 99.

    With regards to the relationship between the two courts see Prodi, Paolo. 2000. Una storia della giustizia. Dal pluralismo dei fori al moderno dualismo tra coscienza e diritto. Bologna: il Mulino, 155–267; Minnucci, Giovanni. 2011b. Foro della coscienza e foro esterno nel pensiero giuridico della prima età moderna. In Dilcher, Gerhard, and Quaglioni, Diego (eds.), Gli inizi del diritto pubblico. 3. Verso la costruzione del diritto pubblico tra medioevo e modernità (= Die Anfänge des öffentlichen Rechts. 3. Auf dem Wege zur Etablierung des öffentlichen Rechts zwischen Mittelalter und Moderne), 54–86. Bologna: il Mulino; Berlin: Duncker & Humblot; Müller, Wolfgang P. 2015. The Internal Forum of the Later Middle Ages. A Modern Myth? Law and History Review 33.04: 887–913. doi: 10.1017/S0738248015000486.

  100. 100.

    Clarus 1587 (as n. 15) § homicidium, vers. sed haec quidem, 34va. According to Massetto 1979 (as n. 39) 497, this passage demonstrates an “evidente senso di religiosità e di osservanza dell’autorità della Chiesa” (“evident sense of religiousness and observance of the authority of the Church”) by Clarus.

  101. 101.

    See the detailed reconstruction by Bossius 1667 (as n. 9) cap. 3, § 2, n. 92, 75b–76b.

  102. 102.

    Clarus 1587 (as n. 15) § homicidium, vers. sed nunquid, 35rb, who also expanded the discussion to the evaluation of the behaviour of the husband who killed his wife’s lover. With regards to this passage and the solution suggested by Clarus (who was inspired by Gomez) see Massetto 1979 (as n. 39) 443–444; Sorice 2012 (as n. 95) 103.

  103. 103.

    Minnucci, Giovanni. 2002. Alberico Gentili tra mos italicus e mos gallicus. L’inedito commentario Ad legem Juliam de adulteriis. Bologna: Monduzzi, 184. Gentilis, in reality, dealt with the situation of the betrayed husband, as it took into consideration l. Gracchus. Nevertheless, this did not prevent him from having the same problems of moral order. For this topic, see also ibidem 89–96. Gentilis also dealt with this subject in De nuptiis: see Minnucci, Giovanni. 2011a. Alberico Gentili iuris interpres della prima età moderna. Bologna: Monduzzi, 40–46; Minnucci 2011b (as n. 99) 67–73.

  104. 104.

    Farinaccius 1631 (as n. 48) pars 4, q. 121, n. 55, 151a.

  105. 105.

    For the thought of some modern age theologians about the murder committed by the husband of the adulteress—but in their works the subject goes hand in hand with that of the adulterous daughter by the father—see Cavina 2011 (as n. 14) 80.

  106. 106.

    Bossius 1667 (as n. 9) cap. 3, § 2, n. 93, 76b.

  107. 107.

    The sedes materiae that aroused the problem was mainly C. 33 q. 2 c. 6, c. inter haec (partly referred to as an exception to the discipline of Justinian law: see, for example, Antonius de Butrio. 1578. Super prima secundi Decretalium Commentarij. Venetiis: apud Iuntas, ad X. 2.2.13, de foro competenti c. cum contingat, n. 11, 43rb). It was an epistle of Pope Nicholas I treating only the murder of the adulteress by her husband. This option had been permitted by a lex mundana, which did not, however, bind the Church. The canon is, however, to be read together with the v. inter haec, without which the connection to this context would not be understood. In fact, the Gloss specified that the lex mundana to which it referred was not Roman law, but it was Lombarda. It then referred directly to the passages of the Justinian corpus that ruled this matter to highlight the role that only the father could have in chastising his daughter. What is more important, however, is that it marked the difference between ius civile and ius canonicum: the authorization given by the secular law, which also excluded the imposition of a punishment, did not dispense from falling into mortal sin (in fact, to use the terminology of that time, the civil law was nutritiva peccati). The only way not to violate the fifth commandment of the Decalogue would have been to obtain a special canonical concession to guarantee immunity from the sin.

  108. 108.

    Cf. Dean 2010 (as n. 14) 151–152; Tavilla, Elio. 2014. Cinquecento postribolare: dilemmi morali e giuridici in tema di meretrices e meretricium. In Cavina, Marco, Ribémont, Bernard, and Hoxha, Damigela (eds.), Le donne e la giustizia fra Medioevo ed età moderna. Il caso di Bologna a confronto, 91–106. Bologna: Patron.

  109. 109.

    Cf. Bossius 1667 (as n. 9) cap. 3, § 2, nn. 93–94, 76b–77a, extremely detailed in the citation of sources—both juridical and theological.

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Massironi, A. (2016). The Father’s Right to Kill His Adulterous Daughter in the Late Ius Commune . In: di Renzo Villata, M. (eds) Family Law and Society in Europe from the Middle Ages to the Contemporary Era. Studies in the History of Law and Justice, vol 5. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-42289-3_8

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