Abstract
A deep irony is embedded in the history of the scientific study of political science, but especially of international relations. Recent generations of scholars separated policy from theory to gain an intellectual distance from decision making to enhance the “scientific” quality of their work. But five decades of well-funded efforts to develop theories of international relations have produced precious little in the way of useful, high confidence results. Theories abound, but few meet the most relaxed “scientific” tests of validity. Even the most robust generalizations or laws we can state—war is more likely between neighboring states, weaker states are less likely to attack stronger states—are close to trivial, have important exceptions, and for the most part stand outside any consistent body of theory.
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Notes
- 1.
This text was first published as “Social Science as Case-Based Diagnostics,” co-authored with Steven Bernstein, Janice Stein and Steven Weber, in, Richard Ned Lebow and Mark Lichbach, eds., Political Knowledge and Social Inquiry (New York: Palgrave, 2007), pp. 229–260. ISBN 9781403974563. The permission to republish this text was granted on 18 June 2015 by Claire Smith, Senior Rights Assistant, Nature Publishing Group & Palgrave Macmillan, London, UK.
- 2.
We use evolutionary biology as an analogy for modes of reasoning, not as a model of politics per se.
- 3.
We state the rule in this way to avoid the confusion of “affirming the consequent” (as in if X then Y) and thus to emphasize falsifiability.
- 4.
See Weber, “Counterfactuals Past and Future,” in Tetlock and Belkin, eds, 1996.
- 5.
For elaboration, see Morris (1998).
- 6.
George (1993) makes a similar point.
- 7.
- 8.
See, for example, Modelski/Poznanski (1996), and other contributions to the September 1996 special issue of International Studies Quarterly.
- 9.
See ‘Introduction’ in Tetlock/Belkin (1996).
- 10.
- 11.
For an effort to save the ‘scientific’ explanation while doubting the usefulness of general laws for explaining social phenomena see Elster (1989). See also Brown (1984).
- 12.
See, for example, King et al. (1994): 19, 28–29.
- 13.
For a similar discussion of ‘causality’ embedded in a narrative explanatory protocol, see Ruggie (1998): 89–94.
- 14.
- 15.
For a classic treatment of ethnic conflict see Horowitz (1985).
- 16.
- 17.
For a discussion of feedbacks and unintended consequences of interventions in the former Yugoslavia see Pasic/Weiss 1997.
- 18.
Polkinghorne (1988: 19–20) uses the literary term ‘emplotment’ to describe causation embedded in narrative: “It is not the imposition of a ready-made plot structure on an independent set of events; instead, it is a dialectic process that takes place between the events themselves and a theme; which discloses their significance and allows them to be grasped together as parts of one story.” Cited in (Ruggie 1998: 94).
- 19.
Wendt (2003) goes further, proposing a teleological explanation for an inevitable world state. His logic follows in part on the same technological argument concerning the increasing capacity for devastation of military technology, but he also introduces an argument that the logic of anarchy will channel struggles for recognition. While such a well-developed plotline fits nicely with our scenario methodology, the functional and teleological logics on which Deudney’s and Wendt’s arguments are based run counter to our approach.
- 20.
- 21.
For an analysis of the privatization of security and its consequences, see Stein (2000).
- 22.
- 23.
See Stein et al. (1998).
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Bernstein, S., Lebow, R.N., Stein, J.G., Weber, S. (2016). Social Science as Case-Based Diagnostics. In: Lebow, R. (eds) Richard Ned Lebow: Major Texts on Methods and Philosophy of Science. Pioneers in Arts, Humanities, Science, Engineering, Practice, vol 3. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-40027-3_3
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