Abstract
Western Europe has seen a radical decline of religious practice in its traditional institutionalised forms. This decline for those faiths that once were a dominant part of Europe’s cultural landscape has coincided with the revival of Islam among the second and third generations of Muslim immigrants. The Muslim presence challenges countries to re-examine their pre-existing understandings of secularity, which are no longer compatible with a commitment to pluralism. There is the need to move away from the narrow understandings of secularity pitting rationality against religious irrationality that dominated the nineteenth century. European countries seem deeply suspicious of religious radicalism, which is regarded as complicit with a hierarchical conception of society and as hostile to individual freedoms, as highlighted by the concern with women’s rights. Islam in France has come to be perceived as subscribing to a conception of gender roles totally incompatible with so-called European values. The concern for women’s rights that figures so prominently in all discussions of Islam in France, however, tends to be part of a discourse that considers Muslim women wearing the hijab or burqa/niqab only as victims. Such dress has become the target of Islamophobia, as symbols of a traditional world that is thought to threaten the future of Europe. Yet, Islamisation now partakes of the individualistic search for meaning and self-realisation that characterises Western societies, a search which in the last 20 years or so has been almost exclusively formulated in the language of the market. Individual self-expression, through patterns of consumption, also effects contemporary Muslims in different parts of the world. At the same time, the social profile of European Muslims is overwhelmingly working class and they have been particularly affected by the disappearance of unskilled jobs. Their segregation in particularly badly serviced urban areas has trapped many in the second and third generations in a vicious cycle of social deprivation. For this marginalised section of the population, Islam, often in its fundamentalist form, has been a way of constructing a positive identity, of building supportive social networks and more broadly of acquiring a code of ethics that enables them to live peacefully alongside mainstream society.
This chapter is an expanded and updated version of a paper previously published by Natalie Doyle in 2011 as Lessons from France: Popularist anxiety and veiled fears of Islam, Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations 22(4): 475–489. DOI:10.1080/09596410.2011.606194. © University of Birmingham, reprinted by permission of Taylor & Francis Ltd, www.tandfonline.com on behalf of University of Birmingham. Since that version was published, events that have taken place in France (and Europe more widely) have confirmed the trend which it analysed. Following its introduction of the ‘burqa ban’ discussed below, the French government banned Muslims from using the street for collective prayers, a practice which had developed around some mosques for quite some time in big cities, as a result of the lack of space available which has been documented. Neither the ‘burqa ban’ nor the prohibition of prayers were repealed by the Socialist governments that came into power following the presidential election of 2012. Manuel Valls, first as minister for the interior, then prime minister, have in fact continued to promote a hard interpretation of the French principle of state secularism discussed in this chapter. In neighbouring countries hostility towards Muslims also gathered pace, assuming a variety of forms. The most recent and visible manifestation was the ‘anti-Islamisation’ demonstrations organized in 2014 in the German city of Dresden by the movement PEGIDA (Patriotische Europäer gegen die Islamisierung des Abendlandes).
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Notes
- 1.
France, the United Kingdom, Germany and Belgium now have second and third generations of Muslim residents or citizens. Southern and continental Europe are fast catching up. Information can be found at www.euro-islam.info, a web-based research project established by the French national research body CNRS (Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique) in conjunction with Harvard University.
- 2.
See also Jodie T. Allen (2006).
- 3.
France experienced terrorist attacks by Islamists from the GIA (Groupe Islamique Armé) in 1994.
- 4.
To clarify the way Islamic traditions of female clothing have been discussed, I need to offer brief definitions of the terms used or misused. ‘Hijab’ is a generic Arabic term used to designate the veil covering parts of the female body which female modesty is thought to require. The term was used in the French debates of the 1990s to refer to a scarf covering the head, when earlier the Iranian term ‘chador’ tended to be used, under the influence of the Iranian revolution. The chador is a kind of shawl that does not hide the face, unlike the niqab and burqa. The niqab is a piece of clothing that covers the entire face revealing only the eyes in the tradition of the Persian Gulf. The burqa, used primarily in Afghanistan and parts of Pakistan, is similar to the niqab but goes further in concealing the eyes behind a form of mesh.
- 5.
It must be pointed out that the French model has always been ambivalent as a result of the old legacy of Gallicanism, or state control over Catholicism. This statism was exacerbated in the Turkish model of secularity. Despite the principle of neutrality, the French state never totally abandoned its ambition to exercise control over religious matters. In contemporary times it resurfaced in the creation of the official body representing French Muslims discussed below (see note 11).
- 6.
In 2002, the government of François Fillon made proposals seeking to counter this but not without some degree of controversy and no progress seems to have been made since. On this question of ethnic and racial statistics and French law, see Simon (2008). This lack of statistical data concerns other European countries, with respect also to ethnic identity, a legacy of the history of Nazi persecution of Jews. As a result, the official European agency Eurostat does not compile data based on either religious affiliation or ethnicity.
- 7.
The website www.euro-islam.info has used various sources to establish an estimate of around 16 million Muslims living in Europe (3.25 % of the population). Of the 3.5–5 million Muslims living in France, at least two million have French nationality. The great majority of French Muslims are of North African ancestry.
- 8.
Earlier migrants from North African countries such as Algeria or Morocco, to a large extent having been forced to merge with the existing working class population tended to consider the hijab as a sign of backwardness, hiding women from view and so leaving husbands and children to handle all interactions with the public sphere. This is a point made by Françoise Gaspard and Farhad Khosrokhavar (1998) in their study of the tension between the hijab and French republicanism. With Chala Chafiq and Farhad Khosrokhavar (1995) had earlier investigated the ambivalent meaning of the Muslim forms of headdress in Islamism generally; initially a vehicle of the integration of women in the modern public sphere, it became the instrument of a regressive backlash.
- 9.
The report recommended 26 measures, some of which promoted public recognition of Jewish and Muslim religious festivals having a distinct ‘multicultural’ flavour. Whether this signalled a radical turn from republican universalism as Akan (2009) argues or a pragmatic extension of the state’s duty to protect religious diversity as defined by the law of 1905 on the separation of church and state, remains to be debated. Whilst Anglo-American critics may see this as evidence of a growing acceptance in some sectors of ‘multicultural’ measures designed to counter the historical disadvantage Islam suffers from as a result of its much more recent arrival in France, it must be recognised that this acceptance may in fact be part of an attempt to bring the practice of Islam under the control of the state much more than it is an acceptance of multiculturalism. Hostility to the phenomenon of ‘communitarianism’ (communautarisme)—the formulation of rights-claims based on one’s affiliation with a cultural group—remaining high in France (see note 4). In this respect, it must be noted that those speaking out against the ban on the hijab primarily did so with reference to the individualistic understanding of individual rights that constitutes the historical basis of French republicanism.
- 10.
Jean Baubérot (2003) a leading historian of French secularity and member of the Stasi commission wrote a public letter to its other members proposing a way to avoid a complete ban on the hijab, which he saw as having the potential to alienate further the French Muslim population.
- 11.
The most vocal representative of this position was ‘Ni Putes Ni Soumises’ (Neither Whores Nor Submissives), a French feminist movement created in 2003 by a group of French Muslim women protesting against sexual violence in the areas of French cities mostly inhabited by North African immigrants. Controversially, it has related what it saw as a rise in violence committed against women to the spread of radical Islam in France and taken a strong stance against the hijab as symbol of female oppression.
- 12.
I use the term, ‘neo-fundamentalism’, as Olivier Roy (1994) has defined it. I return below to the significance of this book.
- 13.
For a long time, French Muslims only had very fragmented representation. The creation of one body was first canvassed in the late 1990s. It gained momentum with the events of September 11 2001. The Conseil français du Culte musulman was established as a civil society organisation in 2003 with the strong backing of Nicolas Sarkozy, then Minister of the Interior, but without well-defined functions its claims to provide autonomous representation to four million Muslims in France and lobby the state on their behalf have been tainted with suspicion. See Alexander Caerio (2005).
- 14.
Whilst in the United Kingdom the House of Lords has spoken out in favour of religious freedom and politicians have traditionally considered the issue of the headscarf better handled at the local level, the issue of the burqa/niqab was also raised at the national level in 2006 by Jack Straw MP.
- 15.
The Dutch parliament was first to pass a resolution in 2005 urging the government to ban the wearing of burqas, but it was not enacted.
- 16.
It must be noted that Gauchet’s notion of disenchantment is much broader than that of secularisation, originally promoted by Peter Berger (1967) in the late 1960s, as it is part of an overall theory of the development of modern democracy.
- 17.
Burgat (2003) suggests that the process of re-Islamisation has in fact always possessed the two dimensions, the one pursing the revolutionary conquest of state power not always being the dominant one, as opposed to the re-Islamisation ‘from below’.
- 18.
For a critique of Huntington’s thesis from the point of view of civilisation theory, see Johann Arnason (2003).
- 19.
The Muslim intellectual Tariq Ramadan, because of his family’s historical link to the Muslim Brothers, has been caught up in this suspicion. As Roy has argued, in France he has effectively been demonised. For an analysis of the way his traditionally religious views have been misrepresented, see Roy (2005). This analysis is informed by the definition of religious disenchantment first formulated by Gauchet (1997a).
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Doyle, N.J. (2016). The Fear of Islam: French Context and Reaction. In: Pratt, D., Woodlock, R. (eds) Fear of Muslims?. Boundaries of Religious Freedom: Regulating Religion in Diverse Societies. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-29698-2_11
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