Abstract
Despite the centrality of kin concepts in the development of much anthropological theory, Paleoindian colonization is often simplistically modeled as biological population fissioning or with unwarranted assumptions about social organization and demographic parameters. Yet, Paleoindian people were undoubtedly aware of critical options for managing the sociogeographic boundary at which marriages could occur where small group sizes and extremely low population densities prevailed. Plausible thought models for a common category of kin structures that could have entered the New World can be developed quite readily. These models allow meaningful inferences about Paleoindian kinship, with profound implications for our understanding of the earliest stages of New World prehistory, both at regional and continental scales. Such models can serve to stimulate alternative explanations with test implications for enigmatic aspects of the Paleoindian record, including differential demographic success for colonization episodes, shifting modes of colonization, the kin-structuring of economic options, and social dimensions signaled by the spread of fluted point technology.
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Notes
- 1.
Figure 10.1 is a considerable simplification arising from Dravidian kin semantics, used here for illustrative purposes. It is important to remain aware that the associative rules used to classify more distant relatives (for example, the potential affine mother’s mother’s brother’s daughter’s daughter) can be the subject of elaborate mathematical description (Godelier et al. 1998). This abstract semantic dimension is further complicated by the vagaries of real world genealogical tracings, with multiple pathways even for one individual. In fact, not all members of a society are apt to possess such detailed knowledge. In the world of the Mackenzie Basin Dene, that knowledge lies in the domain of elderly women, who can distinguish real and classificatory siblings from potential marriage partners, for instance (Asch 1998). When Dene women from distant communities meet, it is common to hear them begin tracing out individuals they have in common, and therefore, how they might be related, as part of a vast web of kin ties that can extend over hundreds of kilometers.
- 2.
The painted mammoth skull from Mezerich illustrated by Soffer (1985:78, Fig. 2.73), for example, has a design that curves somewhat, but otherwise has nearly perfect symmetry; almost every design element to the left of the mid-line is mirrored to the right.
- 3.
This is not to say that other modeling scenarios could not be developed for kin systems that are of cognatic character, for instance, calculating degrees of relatedness, rather than absolute categorical prescriptions of affinity and consanguinity as we see in systems reckoning cross-parallel distinctions. The Nadleh Whut’en (southern Carrier), for instance, have a cognatic terminology with marriage rules governed by the Law of Four Sticks, which stipulated that neither siblings nor first, second, or third cousins could marry (McQuary and Poser 1996). I will leave modelling of logical possibilities in these semantic realms to be explored by others more familiar with such kin systems, but observe that the upshot of requiring marriages at four removes or beyond provides for a highly exogamous alternative akin to Local Group Alliance distinctions.
- 4.
Such factors as the chronological length of the fluted point era, modern population densities, degree of cultivation, collecting histories and other key factors can and have acted to bias this fluted point density pattern. Nevertheless, even in dedicated efforts to detect sources of bias concerning this pattern, several authors indicate that there remains an underlying degree of “patchiness” in this distribution that cannot entirely be attributed to biasing factors, and does seem to be a property of the fluted point distribution in North America (e.g., Buchanan 2003; Prasciunas 2011:122).
- 5.
I will use the term “Corridor” sensu lato to refer to regions principally east of the Rockies, where continental ice flowed toward and in some instances coalesced with ice masses of Cordilleran origin during the Late Wisconsinan (Ives et al. 2013). The term “Corridor” has some value in characterizing the long “seam” that expanded as deglaciation proceeded, but the entire scenario was time and space transgressive. As we proceed into post-glacial time, the notion of a corridor becomes less and less helpful, although that broadening zone is of considerable archaeological interest. Mandryk (1992) provided a history of the Corridor concept.
- 6.
Some Chindadn-like and Sluiceway-like points have been found in Alberta, but none in circumstances that can be dated; consequently, there are no assemblages or diagnostics known to be contemporaneous with Clovis but having links to the north. Microblades do occur at various sites throughout the province, and while some of these are mid-Holocene age and younger, some are likely to be relatively ancient (Fedje et al. 1995; Wilson et al. 2011). The Component II Dry Creek materials contain similar microcores along with distinctive, thick, heavily resharpened oblanceolate points or knives. These last artifacts do occur in both northern and southern Alberta, and might speak to a northern presence in the Corridor region as early as ca. 9,800–10,500 14C year bp (Ives 1993). That an even earlier northern presence in the Corridor region is difficult to affirm at the moment should in no way be taken to mean it could not easily be so (cf. Landals 2008).
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Acknowledgments
I am grateful to H.E. Mr. Olzhas Suleimenov, Ambassador to the Permanent Delegation of the Republic of Kazakhstan to UNESCO and the Embassy of the Republic of Kazakhstan to the United States of America for their kind invitation to take part in the Second International Conference on Great Migrations: from Asia to America. I extend my thanks to Aiym Zholdasbekova, Nurzhan Aitmakhanov, and Nurgali Arystanov for their assistance in arrangements, to Alan Timberlake for shepherding the conference, and to Michael Frachetti and Robert Spengler for guiding this publication. Kisha Supernant constructed the fluted point density map and Michael Semenchuk, the Cody Complex density map; Michael Billinger and Jason Gillespie helped in assembling and organizing ongoing versions of the Western Canadian Fluted Points Data Base applied here; Robert Dawe and Jack Brink (Royal Alberta Museum), Todd Kristensen (Archaeological Survey of Alberta), and David Meyer (University of Saskatchewan) provided valuable information on both fluted points and Cody Complex materials. We are all indebted to Eugene Gryba for his pioneering efforts to document fluted points in Alberta. Sunday Eiselt and I presented a related version of this paper at the 2011 of the Society for American Archaeology meetings in Sacramento as well as a poster at the Paleoamerican Odyssey conference in Santa Fe in October 2013; I thank Sunday for her contributions to this work. Columbia University and the Harriman Institute provided a delightful setting for the conference; given this context, I would like to stress that I owe much in my apprehension of Dene kinship to University of Alberta Emeritus Professor Michael Asch, a Columbia graduate who went on to become one of Canada’s most distinguished anthropologists of recent years.
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Ives, J.W.(. (2015). Kinship, Demography, and Paleoindian Modes of Colonization: Some Western Canadian Perspectives. In: Frachetti, M., Spengler III, R. (eds) Mobility and Ancient Society in Asia and the Americas. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-15138-0_10
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