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The Dionysiac Chronotope

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Hölderlin’s Dionysiac Poetry

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Abstract

Before approaching Hölderlin’s poems, Chap. 2 returns to Greece by articulating three successive forms of space and time. Together they represent a secret experience of ritual that the ancient Greeks cultivated. Further, they harness a socio-political potential that is made public with the invention of tragedy. Although indirectly, the chapter implicitly hints at the relevance of this historical transition for Hölderlin whose songs are rooted in his translations of tragic plays. The sufferings of individual isolation and near-death experience that are redeemed by earthly and communal joy are projected onto the public stage. The chapter concludes by turning to one of the most striking, concentrated instances of this double-transformation in the opening verses of the tragedy that Hölderlin translates just before he composes his most meaningful poems: Euripides’ Bacchae.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Seaford, “Hölderlin and the Politics of the Dionysiac”.

  2. 2.

    Ibid.

  3. 3.

    I return to this and the following phases of mystic initiation more thoroughly below.

  4. 4.

    Seaford, Cosmology and the Polis p. 5.

  5. 5.

    “Dionúsia tà astiká”. Thucydides 5.20, in Thucydides. History of the Peloponnesian War, Books V and VI, ed. C. Smith (Cambridge: Harvard University Press 1992) p. 40.

  6. 6.

    This is clear in the political dimension of tragedy. See Anton Bierl, Dionysos und die griechische Tragödie. Politische und “metatheatralische” Aspekte im Text (Tübingen: Gunter Narr Verlag 1991) p. 20.

  7. 7.

    Euripides, Bacchae, in Euripides fabulae, ed. J. Diggle, vol. 3, Helena, Phoenissae, Orestes, Bacchae, Iphigenia, Avlidensis, Rhesus (Oxford: Oxford University Press 1994) p. 314, 317.

  8. 8.

    Aeschylus, Eumenides, in Aeschyli septem quae supersunt tragoedias, ed. D. Page (Oxford, Clarendon Press 1972) p. 285.

  9. 9.

    This is a critical argument, as money in historic Greece is different from that which we see in previous civilisations (such as those in the Near East). See Richard Seaford, Money and the Early Greek Mind (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2004) pp. 3–4, 10, 30, 95, 113, 136, 132, 178, 321.

  10. 10.

    Herodotus, 1.64, in Herodotus. The Persian Wars, Books I-II, trans. A. Godley (Cambridge: Harvard University Press 2004) p. 74. See also Ath. Pol. p. 15.

  11. 11.

    See Seaford, Money and the Early Greek Mind p. 98, 110, 140.

  12. 12.

    Seaford, Cosmology and the Polis p. 57.

  13. 13.

    It is significant that barter was much more rare than we tend to imagine. See David Graeber Debt: The First 5000 Years (Brooklyn, N. Y.: Melville House 2011).

  14. 14.

    Seaford, Cosmology and the Polis p. 57.

  15. 15.

    Herodotus, 1.64, in Herodotus. The Persian Wars, Books I-II, Godley p. 74.

  16. 16.

    Herodotus, 3.39, in Herodotus. The Persian Wars, Books III-IV, trans. A. Godley (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2000) p. 52.

  17. 17.

    Solon, Fragment 13.71–3, in Greek Elegiac Poetry, From the Seventh to the Fifth Centuries B.C., ed. D. Gerber (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1999) pp. 132–133.

  18. 18.

    Pindar, Eleventh Pythian Ode, in Pindar carmina cum fragmentis, ed. H. Maehler and B. Snell, Pars I, Epinicia (Leipzig: Teubner Verlaggesellschaft 1987), 100. See also the reference to Demokedes of Kroton in Herodotus, 3.131, in Herodotus. The Persian Wars, Books III-IV, Godley p. 162.

  19. 19.

    See Seaford, Money and the Early Greek Mind pp. 175–291.

  20. 20.

    Aristotle, Politics, 1258b, in Aristotle, The Nicomachaean Ethics, trans. H. Rackham (Cambridge: Harvard University Press 2003) p. 50.

  21. 21.

    Aeschylus, Persai, in Aeschyli septem quae supersunt tragoedias, p. 10.

  22. 22.

    Aeschylus, Agamemnon, in Aeschyli septem quae supersunt tragoedias, p. 172; See also Richard Seaford, “Tragic Money”, JHS 118 (1998) pp. 123–131.

  23. 23.

    This is in contrast to the word “hero” which scarcely occurs in Athenian tragedy. See Richard Seaford, Ancient Greece and Global Warming: The Benefits of a Classical Education, or: Learn from the Past to Live in the Present (Exeter: Credo Press 2011).

  24. 24.

    Seaford, Cosmology and the Polis p. 132.

  25. 25.

    Ibid. p. 120.

  26. 26.

    Sophocles, Oidipous Tyrannos, in Sophoclis Fabulae, ed. H. Lloyd-Jones (Oxford: Clarendon Press 1990) 155. For the critical, if neglected, theme of money in Oedipus the Tyrant, see verses p. 380, 388–389 and 873–874 also in Sophoclis Fabulae, Lloyd-Jones pp. 135–136, 154.

  27. 27.

    Sophocles, Antigone, in Sophoclis Fabulae, Lloyd-Jones p. 226, 225; Seaford, “Hölderlin and the Politics of the Dionysiac”. That these lines do mean this is demonstrated by Seaford, “Tragic Money”, JHS pp. 131–137.

  28. 28.

    Euripides, Bacchae, in Euripides fabulae, Diggle, vol. 3, Helena, Phoenissae, Orestes, Bacchae, Iphigenia, Avlidensis, Rhesus p. 302, 324–325; Seaford, “Hölderlin and the Politics of the Dionysiac”.

  29. 29.

    Plutarch, Fragment 178, in Plutarch, Moralia, trans. F. Sandbach, vol. 15, Fragments (Cambridge: Harvard University Press 1969) pp. 316–319.

  30. 30.

    Origen, Against Celsus, 4.10, in Orgien. Contra Celsum, ed. H. Chadwick (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1953) 190. Idomeneus, in Die Fragmente der Griechischer Historiker, ed. F. Jacoby (Berlin and Leiden: Brill Press 1923–1958) p. 338.

  31. 31.

    Idomeneus, in Die Fragmente der Griechischer Historiker, Jacoby 338. See also verse 293 from Aristophanes’ The Frogs, in Aristophanes. Frogs, Assemblywomen, Wealth, trans. J. Henderson (Cambridge: Harvard University Press 2002) p. 64. For the relation between mystery-cult and Aristophanes’ comedy, see Ismene Lada-Richards’ Initiating Dionysos: Ritual and Theatre in Aristophanes’ The Frogs (Oxford: Oxford University Press 1999).

  32. 32.

    See the collapsed, self-blinding figure who is kneeling downward in the left of the flagellation scene at the Villa of the Mysteries, in The Villa of the Mysteries in Pompeii: Ancient ritual, Modern muse, ed. E. Gazda et. al. (Ann Arbour: Kelsey Museum of Archaeology and the University of Michigan Museum of Art 2000), p. 96 (Colour Plate II).

  33. 33.

    Homeric Hymn to Demeter, in Homeri Opera, ed. T. Allen, Tomus V, hymnos cyclum fragmenta margiten batrachomyomachiam vitas continens (Oxford: Oxford University Press 2008), p. 2.

  34. 34.

    For the myth of Narcissus and its relation to mystic cult, see S. Eitrem, “Narkissos I”, in Paulys Realencyklopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, vol. 16 (Stuttgart 1933–1935), p. 1721, 1726.

  35. 35.

    In his Commentary on Plato’s Phaedo Olympiodorus writes in regard to the tragic myth of the god stumbling across a mirror in the forest that “Dionysus, when he put his image into the mirror, followed it and in this way was divided up in the universe.” Olympiodori Philosophi in Platonis Phaedonem Commentaria, ed. W. Norvin (Leipzig: B.G. 1913), p. 111, 4–19. After noting the curious power of a mirror to “seize a form”, Plotinus points out that “Dionysus [had seen his soul] in a mirror” and was therefore “cut off” from his “intellect [noûs]”. Plotinus, Ennead, 4.3.12, in Plotinini, Opera, ed. P. Henry and H.-R. Schwyzer, vol. 2, Enneades IV-V (Oxford: Oxford University Press 1977), pp. 27–29. Plotinus also gestures to the danger of the eyes as expressed in the myth of Narcissus that (among other such ridding stories) leads to blindness and individual death. Plotinus, Ennead, 1.6.8, in Porphyry on Plotinus, Ennead I, ed. A. Armsrong (Cambridge: Harvard University Press 1995) pp. 254–258. See also Plotinus, Ennead, 5.8.2, in Plotinini, Opera, ed. P. Henry and H.-R. Schwyzer, vol. 2, Enneades IV-V 269–271. In mentioning the mystic mirror, lúchnos, among the sacred symbola that the initiates cultivated, Clement of Alexandria gestures to the mythic mirror that lures Dionysus into his tragic fate. Clement of Alexandria, Protrepticus, 2.19, in Clement of Alexandria, ed. G. Butterworth (Cambridge: Harvard University Press 1982), pp. 44–45. See also Nonnus of Panopolis’ Dionysiaca, 6.194–199, in Nonnos de Panopolis, Les Dionysiaques, éd. et. trad. P. Chuvin, vol. 3, Chants 6–8 (Paris: Les Belles Lettres 1992), p. 53.

  36. 36.

    See Callimachus, Fragment 643, in Callimachus, ed. R. Pfeiffer, vol. 1, Fragmente (Oxford: Oxford University Press 1987) pp. 430–431. Pausanias notes that Onomacritus “composed órgia [mystic initiations] for Dionysus and made the Titans the agents of his sufferings”. Pausanias, Description of Greece, 8.37.5, in Pausanias. Description of Greece, Books VIII.22-X, trans. W. Jones (Cambridge: Harvard University Press 2010), p. 86. Diodorus claims that the things revealed in the Orphic hymns and introduced in mystic initiations and rituals agree with the myth of Dionysus’ dismemberment at the hands of the Titans and of the restoration of his limbs to their natural state. Diodorus, Bibliotheca historica, 3.62.8, in Diodorus of Sicily, The Library of History, trans. C. Oldfather, Books II.35-IV.58. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press 1994), p. 288. When Plutarch refers to “certain destructions and disappearances” that “the cleverer people […] construct” to stage mystic initiation, he points out that such performances correspond to “the story about the Titans”. Plutarch, Moralia, 389a and 364 f., respectively, in Plutarch, Moralia, trans. F. Babbit, vol. 5 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press 2003), 222–23, 84–7. See also Nonnus of Panopolis’ Dionysiaca, 6.200–211, in Nonnos de Panopolis, Les Dionysiaques, Chuvin, vol. 3, Chants 6–8 53; Herodotus, 2.42, 2.61, 2.132, 170, in Herodotus. The Persian Wars, Books I-II, Godley 326, 346–48, 432–34, 84–86; Isocrates, Busiris, 11.39, in Isocrates, Opera omnia, ed. B. Mandilaras, vol. 2 (München und Leipzig: K. G. Sauer 2003) p. 281. Here we also come across the mystic re-enactment of Dionysus’ fatal attraction to his image in a mirror. Apuleius notes that the toys, crepundia, with which the Titan’s lured Dionysus away to his death at the hands of the Titans was central to mystic initiation. Apuleius, Apology, 55, in Apulei Apologia, Siue pro se de Magia Liber, ed. H. Butler and A. Owen (Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlagsbuchhandlung 1967). See also Seaford, Dionysus 74. That the crepundia used by the Titans to which Apuleius refers were associated with the sacred symbola, including the mystic mirror, lúchnos, used in mystic initiation is then shown by Clement of Alexandria, Protrepticus, 2.18, in Clement of Alexandria, Butterworth pp. 42–43. The mystic mirror is also significantly mentioned in the prescription for ritual on a fragment of papyrus from the third century B.C.E. See Seaford, Dionysus p. 58.

  37. 37.

    As we shall see, the myth of Semele’s death that accompanies Dionysus’ birth is present both in Pindar and throughout Bacchae. For the mystic rehearsal and harnessing of Semele’s death, which in mystery-cult was called “Semele’s birth-pain for her son Dionysus”, see Inscription 44, in Choisir Dionysos: Les associations dionysiacques, ou, La face cachée du dionysisme, ed. A.-F. Jaccottet, vol. 2, Documents (Zürich: Akanthus 2003), pp. 90–91.

  38. 38.

    Euripides, Bacchae, in Euripides fabulae, Diggle, vol. 3, Helena, Phoenissae, Orestes, Bacchae, Iphigenia, Avlidensis, Rhesus p. 325, 330.

  39. 39.

    Seaford, Dionysus p. 123.

  40. 40.

    Sophocles, Oidipous Tyrannos, in Sophoclis Fabulae, Lloyd-Jones p. 126.

  41. 41.

    Sophocles, Antigone, in Sophoclis Fabulae, Lloyd-Jones p. 237.

  42. 42.

    Euripides, Bacchae, in Euripides fabulae, Diggle, vol. 3, Helena, Phoenissae, Orestes, Bacchae, Iphigenia, Avlidensis, Rhesus p. 332, 320.

  43. 43.

    Sophocles, Oidipous Tyrannos, in Sophoclis Fabulae, Lloyd-Jones p. 125.

  44. 44.

    Plutarch, Fragment p. 178, in Plutarch, Moralia, ed. F. Babbit, vol. 4 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press 1999) pp. 316–319. Here “uncompleted” means “unlimited”, as in that which opposes the ends (tel-), that is, limits, of death and mystic ritual.

  45. 45.

    Gold leaf from Thurii in southern Italy, in Seaford, Dionysus p. 55.

  46. 46.

    Euripides, Bacchae, in Euripides fabulae, Diggle, vol. 3, Helena, Phoenissae, Orestes, Bacchae, Iphigenia, Avlidensis, Rhesus p. 327.

  47. 47.

    Also significant shall be the (perverted) mystic near-death experience in the earthquake scene in Bacchae.

  48. 48.

    Plutarch, Fragment p. 178, in Plutarch, Moralia, ed. F. Babbit, vol. 4 pp. 318–319.

  49. 49.

    Ibid.

  50. 50.

    Seaford, “Hölderlin and the Politics of the Dionysiac”; See The Homeric hymn to Demeter, ed. N. Richardson (Oxford: Clarendon Press 2002) pp. 26–30.

  51. 51.

    Demosthenes, 18.259–260, in Demosthenes, On the Crown, ed. H. Yunis (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 2001) pp. 90–91. Here the gift of wine presented to new initiates appears at the centre of a list of sacred, many times secret (if also ridiculed by the lawyer Demosthenes) events. These include reading books, performing various actions by night, placing fawnskins on initiands, purifying them, smearing them with mud and bran, raising them up from the purification while telling them to say “I escaped the bad, I found the better”, priding oneself on delivering the greatest ululation (a style of howling), by day leading through the streets the cultivated thiasoi crowned with fennel and while poplar, squeezing fat-cheeked snakes, raising them over one’s head, shouting “Euoi Saboi”, dancing to the cry of “Hyes Attes, Attes Hyes” (a language of ambiguous meaning), being greeted by the old woman as “Leader and Instructor and Basket-bearer (kistophoros), Winnowing basket-bearer (liknophoros)” and receiving as payment various cakes.

  52. 52.

    Apollodorus, Library, 3.5.1, in Apollodorus, The Library, ed. J. Frazer, vol. 1, Books I-III (Cambridge: Harvard University Press 1995) p. 326. Critical is the fact that wine in ritual is new not only to the newly initiated. Wine is new in itself that is, Dionysiac mystic initiation is inseparable from the (cosmic) invention of wine. See fragment 646a in Tragicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. R. Kannicht and B. Snell, vol. 2, Fragmenta adespota, testimonia volumini 1 addenda, indices ad volumina 1 et 2 (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht 1981) pp. 217–218. This is suggested further in the satyrs who, being frequently present during the transformation of nature into primeval forms of culture, bear witness to the first ever extraction of wine from grapes. Consider, for instance, Sophocles’ satyr-play Dionysiskos (“Little Dionysus”) where satyrs express their delight when the infant Dionysus invents wine. The epiphany of wine in ritual is thus linked to its epiphany in myth, that is, when Dionysus is himself first inducted into the mysteries of wine by Rhea. This is a secret event that takes place not only after the god has been resurrected and purified, but also after Dionysus has been dismembered and succumbed to death. As shall gradually become clear, death and rebirth are critical in mystic initiation, in particular the fact that living mystics identified the dead as reborn with Dionysus in an earthly afterlife. See Apuleius’ Metamorphoses, 11.21 and 8.7, in Apuleius, The Golden Ass: Being the Metamorphoses of Lucius Apuleius, ed. W. Adlington and S. Gaselee (Cambridge: Harvard University Press 1977) pp. 354–357, 572–577. There is no lack of evidence that wine drunk in ritual gestured to Dionysus’ salvation of humankind. In Bacchae Teiresias pairs Demeter and Dionysos as “the two first things among humans”: Demeter nourishes mortals “with dry” food and Dionysos gave mortals the “liquid drink” of wine to relieve their sufferings (V 274–283). Euripides fabulae, Diggle, vol. 3, Helena, Phoenissae, Orestes, Bacchae, Iphigenia, Avlidensis, Rhesus p. 303. See also Plutarch, Moralia, 68, in Plutarch, Moralia, ed. F. Babbit, vol. 1 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press 1960) pp. 358–364; and Plutarch, Moralia, 716, in Plutarch, Moralia, ed. W. Helmbold, E. Minar and F. Sandbach, vol. 9 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press 1993) p. 716. Consider further the mystic formulae of one of the two gold leaves from Pelinna in Thessaly from the fourth century B.C.E.: “Now you died and you came into being, thrice blessed one, on this day./Tell Persephone that Bakchios himself freed you./Bull, you jumped into milk./Quickly you jumped into milk./Ram, you fell into milk./You have wine as your blessed (eudaimon) honour (?)./And below the earth there await you the same rituals as the other blessed ones”, cited in Seaford, Dionysus 55. Emphasis added. Reference to Persephone, rebirth and wine alongside a feast with dancing and music occurs in verses pp. 503–518 of Aristophanes’ The Frogs, in Aristophanes. Frogs, Assemblywomen, Wealth, Henderson pp. 92–94. Such texts referring to wine drunk by initiates in the next world are complemented by a Dionysiac visual culture e.g. the Ohio vase where a satyr in the underworld appears with the name Oinops (“Wineface”) and the Apulian vase-paintings where wine flows miraculously from grapes without mortal labour in an earthly paradise. See Seaford, Dionysus p. 79, 81. Plato, who in the Republic refers to the consumption of wine by mystics in Hades, in particular to their “eternal drunkenness”, points out further in the Phaedrus that, through the “right kind of madness”, Dionysiac ritual releases initiates from sufferings both of this world and of the next. Plato, The Republic, Books I-V, trans. P. Shorey, vol. 5 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press 2011) pp. 128–30; and Plato, Euthyphro, Apology, Crito, Phaedo, Phaedrus, trans. H. Fowler, vol. 1 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press 2005) pp. 466–468, respectively. Pherecrates gestures to an unlimited supply of wine in the afterlife. Pherecrates, Fragment p. 113, in Fragments of Old Comedy, ed. C. Storey, vol. 2, Diopethes to Pherecrates (Cambridge: Harvard University Press 2011) p. 472. And as the Theban maenads remind us in verses pp. 686–713 of Bacchae, wine in ritual provided a taste of the (ecstatic) afterlife. Euripides fabulae, Diggle, vol. 3, Helena, Phoenissae, Orestes, Bacchae, Iphigenia, Avlidensis, Rhesus pp. 320–321. All of this leads to the following conclusion. Given Dionysus’ power to dissolve the boundary between water and wine—see Plutarch, Life of Lysander, 28.4, in Plutarch, Lives, ed. B. Perrin, vol. 1, Theseus and Romulus, Lycurgus and Numa, Solon and Publicola (Cambridge: Harvard University Press 1998) p. 312—, as well as the associations of wine with blood, in particular the blood of the god himself—see Achilles Tatius’ The Story of Leucippe and Cleitophon, 2.2.1–3, in Achilles Tatius, Leucippe and Clitophon, ed. T. Whitmarch (Cambridge: Oxford University Press 2001) p. 20; and Timotheos, Fragment 780, in Poetae Melici Graeci, ed. D. Page (Oxford: Oxford University Press 1962)—, and the myth of Dionysus’ dismemberment that reflects the creation of wine out of crushed grapes—Diodorus, Bibliotheca historica, 3.62, in Diodorus of Sicily, The Library of History, Oldfather, Books II.35-IV.58—it is clear that the drinking of wine in mystic initiation was caught up in a re-enactment of the god’s original (mythic) rebirth. Through this secret experience the being of an isolated mortal transitioned into that of an immortal spirit rooted in earth and community.

  53. 53.

    Richard Seaford, Introduction and Commentary to Euripides’ Cyclops, in Euripides, Cyclops (Oxford: Oxford University Press 1988), pp. 1–2.

  54. 54.

    Sophocles, Oidipous Tyrannos, Sophoclis Fabulae, Lloyd-Jones p. 170.

  55. 55.

    Seaford, Cosmology and the Polis p. 332.

  56. 56.

    Sophocles, Antigone, Sophoclis Fabulae, Lloyd-Jones p. 229.

  57. 57.

    Euripides, Bacchae, in Euripides fabulae, Diggle, vol. 3, Helena, Phoenissae, Orestes, Bacchae, Iphigenia, Avlidensis, Rhesus p. 316.

  58. 58.

    Ibid. p. 317.

  59. 59.

    Seaford, “Hölderlin and the Politics of the Dionysiac”.

  60. 60.

    Plutarch, Fragment p. 178, in Plutarch, Moralia, trans. Sandbach, vol. 15, Fragments pp. 316–319.

  61. 61.

    This phrase is from H. Versnel, Inconsistencies in Greek and Roman Religion I, Ter Unus, Isis, Dionysos and Hermes, Three Studies in Henotheism, vol. 6, Studies in Greek and Roman Religion (Leiden: E. J. Brill 1990) p. 167.

  62. 62.

    Emphasis added.

  63. 63.

    Apollodorus, Library, 3.5.1, in Apollodorus, The Library, Frazer, vol. 1, Books I-III p. 326.

  64. 64.

    See The Homeric hymn to Demeter, Richardson p. 26.

  65. 65.

    A City of Images: Iconography and Society in Ancient Greece, ed. C. Bérard et. al. (Princeton: Princeton University Press 1988) p. 116.

  66. 66.

    Euripides, Bacchae, in Euripides fabulae, Diggle, vol. 3, Helena, Phoenissae, Orestes, Bacchae, Iphigenia, Avlidensis, Rhesus p. 295, 303; Pindar, Fragment 85, in Pindar carmina cum fragmentis, ed. H. Maehler, Pars II, Framenta Indices (Leipzig: Teubner Verlaggesellschaft, 1989) p. 86; Homeric hymn to Dionysus (V 5–8), in Homeric hymns, Homeric apocrypha, Lives of Homer, ed. M. West (Cambridge: Harvard University Press 2003) p. 26; Apollodorus, Library, 3.4.3, in Apollodorus, The Library, Frazer, vol. 1, Books I-III 320. Herodotus, 2.146, in Herodotus. The Persian Wars, Books I-II, Godley pp. 452–454.

  67. 67.

    Euripides, Bacchae, in Euripides fabulae, Diggle, vol. 3, Helena, Phoenissae, Orestes, Bacchae, Iphigenia, Avlidensis, Rhesus p. 295.

  68. 68.

    Ibid. p. 316.

  69. 69.

    Ibid. p. 294.

  70. 70.

    Ibid. p. 323.

  71. 71.

    Ibid. p. 293, 300, 309–310.

  72. 72.

    Ibid. p. 300.

  73. 73.

    Ibid. p. 303.

  74. 74.

    Ibid.

  75. 75.

    Ibid. p. 291.

  76. 76.

    Ibid.

  77. 77.

    Ibid. p. 312.

  78. 78.

    Ibid. p. 292.

  79. 79.

    Seaford, “Hölderlin and the Politics of the Dionysiac”.

  80. 80.

    Aristophanes, The Frogs, in Aristophanes. Frogs, Assemblywomen, Wealth, Henderson p. 74.

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Murrey, L. (2015). The Dionysiac Chronotope. In: Hölderlin’s Dionysiac Poetry. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-10205-4_2

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