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Regional Economic Integration and Migration: Lessons from the Case of Europe

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Global and Asian Perspectives on International Migration

Part of the book series: Global Migration Issues ((IOMS,volume 4))

Abstract

The migration literature defines internal migration within states as basically different from international migration. The former is supposed to be a free option for all residents of a state, while the latter—movement across political borders—is subject to sovereign (exit/admission) decisions of states. But what happens (or may happen) to migration when sovereign states decide to integrate their economies and create internal markets? The answer to this question in the case of Europe is interesting both as a critical note to the theory of migration on this matter and possibly also as an example to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), which is asking itself the question of what role migration could or should have in its planned economic cooperation.

This contribution basically asks what the relation is between regional economic and political integration on the one hand, and migration across borders of national states in Europe, on the other. How did migration of people across borders of European states actually develop since roughly 1950? How was it perceived and what admission and integration policies of states did it solicit? How have regional economic and political institutions and policies developed in Europe and how have these handled migration (of workers and persons) across borders of member states? What conclusions can be drawn from this case as to the nature of national and regional policies and the nature of international migration itself?

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Notes

  1. 1.

    In 2011, eight of the 27 EU-countries had a higher percentage of foreign-born residents than the USA had in 2010. See Eurostat (2012) for statistics on foreign and foreign-born populations in the EU- and EFTA-countries. The latest percentage of the foreign-born population in the USA, based on the 2010 Census, amounted to 12.9 % (US Census Bureau 2012).

  2. 2.

    In the 4 years of 1990 to 1993, the number of new asylum applications surpassed the annual level of 400,000 in the European Community (of 12 members then).

  3. 3.

    For an analysis of parliamentary debates on increasing controls concerning immigration in the UK and the FRG, see Bastian Vollmer (2010).

  4. 4.

    Interestingly, such a situation has also developed in so-called ‘sending states’ like Morocco and Turkey. For Turkey, see Içduygu and Kirişci (2009).

  5. 5.

    Goedings (2005) made a detailed historical analysis of the origins of the free circulation of workers in the early period of economic cooperation in Europe from the 1951-Treaty of Paris until the 1968-Treaty of Rome. She shows that it has particularly been Italy that has consistently pressured negotiations to include the free circulation of workers.

  6. 6.

    Five countries (France, the FRG and the Benelux-countries) were moving quickly towards open borders and in July 1985, they signed the Schengen Treaty which envisaged a system of international border controls and checks, a common asylum procedure and information exchanges on asylum and unwanted migrants, to be implemented by 1 January 1990. The Schengen-model later became the standard for the EU.

  7. 7.

    Such as the proposal for a Council Directive on the conditions of entry and residence for the purpose of paid employment and self-employment activities, COM (2001) 386 final, 11.07.2001.

  8. 8.

    Council Directive 2003/86/EC of 22 September 2003.

  9. 9.

    Council Directive 2003/109/EC of 25 November 2003.

  10. 10.

    According to Carrera and Guild (2012, pp. 14–15) these institutional changes make it questionable whether the multi-annual programs of the Council, such as the Tampere, The Hague and the present Stockholm (2009–2014) ones, are the driving force of policy making and implementation now and in the future.

  11. 11.

    Within the European Commission, there has furthermore been a split of the previous Directorate General for Justice, Freedom and Security (JLS) into two separate DGs: one for Justice, Fundamental Rights and Citizenship, led by Commissioner Viviane Reding, and one for Home Affairs, led by Cecilia Malmström.

  12. 12.

    Urso and Schuster 2011, p. 17: “Another trend (.) is the increasing percentage of EU nationals among migrants. In absolute terms, they have registered the highest increase, namely 470.000 (+ 3.8 %, which is in line with the continuous growth in previous years (= 13.3 % from 2008 to 2011).” Eurostat 2011, p. 17: “The number of EU-27 citizens migrating to a Member State other than their own country of citizenship increased, on average, by 12 % per year during the period 2002–2008.”

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Penninx, R. (2014). Regional Economic Integration and Migration: Lessons from the Case of Europe. In: Battistella, G. (eds) Global and Asian Perspectives on International Migration. Global Migration Issues, vol 4. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-08317-9_10

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