Abstract
Cuba finds itself (once again) between a rock and a hard place. The rock has two surfaces. One of the rock’s surfaces is that the economic recovery dynamics it had set in motion to counteract the calamities of the special period, are too slow and uneven to significantly boost economic growth. The other surface of the rock is that the recovery in citizen’s quality life that accompanied this economic recovery has been unequally distributed in terms of age, race, gender, and geography. For many Cubans, social mobility has meant a slide downward or a never-ending struggle to remain in the same place. The hard place is that in order to reignite the momentum of economic growth, the “updated” economic guidelines known as the Lineamientos have introduced market dynamics into the local economy that despite being modest will steadily alter the power relations. One the one hand, they will exacerbate the existing inequalities between citizens. On the other, they will alter existing balance between the state and its citizens as a result of the contemplated massive state sector layoffs (over one million workers) and of the emergence of citizen entrepreneurs who do not depend on the state for their livelihood (the goal is 45 % non-state employment by 2016). Since, unfortunately, there is no thriving large private sector ready to absorb these displaced workers, the net effect of these layoffs could be an increase in the ranks of the unemployed, the underemployed and the poor—this would mean, in turn, an increase in an underprivileged, unhappy, disillusioned, frustrated and volatile civil society.
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Notes
- 1.
See Domínguez et al. (2012).
- 2.
See Partido Comunista de Cuba (2011) on the “Lineamientos de la Política Económica y Social del Partido y la Revolución” or “Resolution on the Guidelines of the Economic and Social Policy of the Party and the Revolution.”
- 3.
- 4.
This question was explored at some length during the domestic market liberalization of the 1990s. Unfortunately, these policies were drastically reversed in subsequent years. See UNESCO et al. (1998).
- 5.
Ritter (2013, January 14).
- 6.
See RELIESS (n.d.). Of special relevance are the cases prepared for the FIESS Conference (2012) on the themes of: Territory and Local Development; Innovation and Collective Entrepreneurship; Solidarity Finance and Trade; Work and Employment; Food Security and Sovereignty.
- 7.
See UNDP (n.d.).
- 8.
Granted, this will cause concern for those who adopt only narrow definitions of SSEs.
- 9.
Montgomery et al. (2012) have introduced “collective social entrepreneurship” and the need to research not just individuals but also the collaborative networks in which these social entrepreneurs function.
- 10.
See Sagebien and Whellams (2011) for a review of the relationship between CSR and development.
- 11.
This lack of explicit environmental objectives and the assumption that social objectives were being met de facto through state ownership and control might be one of the contributing factors to the appalling environmental record of Soviet-era industries in COMECON countries.
- 12.
See Guzón Camporredondo (2006).
- 13.
The Cuban Democracy, or Torricelli Act of 1992 and the Helms-Burton Act of 1996 provided for the hardening of the US embargo of Cuba and made explicit the aim to subvert the Cuban government from within, by funding “independent” or antigovernment NGOs. Between 2004 and 2009 the US government is estimated to have spent more than $137 million to fund “the democratic opposition” and the “emerging civil society” in Cuba.
- 14.
See Cooperativa Gestión Participativa (n.d.) for information on Venezuela’s cooperative sector.
- 15.
See Azzellini (2011).
- 16.
- 17.
See Gaceta Oficial de Bolivia (2010).
- 18.
- 19.
See The Aspen Institute’s Business and Society Program (n.d.).
- 20.
Center for International Development (n.d.).
- 21.
Other international NGOs are also active in this IMD sector are ECODES from Spain, COSPE from Italy, Oxfam and EDF.
- 22.
See UNDP (n.d.b).
- 23.
A method for sharing of services, utility, and by-product resources among diverse industrial actors in order to add value, reduce costs and improve the environment.
- 24.
See also archives of: The Cuba Study Group, The Association for the Study of the Cuban Economy, the Cuba Project of the City University of New York’s Bildner Center, the University of Miami’s Institute for Cuban & Cuban-American Studies and the proceedings of Latin American Studies Association’s conferences.
- 25.
The capture of remittances, financial flows intended to foster independence from the State rather than further dependence, will most certainly infuriate the remittance senders and receivers. However, state control may be the sine qua non for the state to allow a greater role for remittance as business capital.
- 26.
See Cuba (2006).
- 27.
For example, by joining WWOOF a worldwide network of organizations in 100+ countries that links volunteers with organic growers.
- 28.
For example the Social Entrepreneurship Targeting Youth in South Africa (SETYSA).
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Sagebien, J., Betancourt, R. (2014). Non-State Socially Responsible Enterprises: The Key to Inclusive Economic Growth in Cuba. In: Brundenius, C., Torres Pérez, R. (eds) No More Free Lunch. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-00918-6_11
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