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Examples of Sociological Explanation in Terms of Methodological Individualism

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Abstract

In this chapter, typical examples of methodological individualism explanation are borrowed from Raymond Boudon’s writings. They respectively aim at answering the following questions:

  • Why did Athens’ allies defect in the Peloponnesian War?

  • When does social organization aim at eliminating unintended effects?

  • Why does the rule of unanimity often prevail in traditional village societies?

  • Why do members of an unorganized group tend to defect?

  • Why are collective powers often governed by the iron law of oligarchy?

  • Why did capitalist agriculture develop much more slowly in France than in England in the eighteenth century?

  • Why has the immoral character of interest lending disappeared in modern societies?

  • Why is there no socialism in the United States?

  • Why do economic booms seem to be associated with higher suicide rates?

  • Why does the diffusion of an innovation follow a chain reaction process in situations where interpersonal influence is greater?

  • Why were Mithra cult and Freemasonry, respectively, successful in Ancient Rome and modern Prussia?

  • Why were the peasants in ancient Rome hostile to monotheism?

  • Why did the French intellectuals of the late eighteenth century worship Reason?

  • Why did Indian peasants not adopt the birth control measures advocated by the Indian administration?

  • Why do conflicts between employees in a Taylorized firm tend to be more violent?

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Translator’s note: The questions here refer to those discussed in the following and not to those of Boudon (1979). The titles have been adapted.

  2. 2.

    See Stark (1962), Part Two.

  3. 3.

    The question of the relation between history and sociology is a classic. See for example, Braudel (1962); see also Elias (1977).

  4. 4.

    Translator’s note: The figures indicate the preference-order. Those before the comma relate to the first actor, those after the comma relate to the second actor.

  5. 5.

    Translator’s note: As Boudon (1979, pp. 66–67) explains, the perverseness of this structure stems from the fact that CC (the situation where the two actors would choose the cooperation strategy) is not ranked first by either of the two actors. Thus, each could be tempted to choose D (defection), while hoping that the other would choose C (cooperation). The structure thus encourages the two actors to use strategy (defection). But, if they both do, they would both obtain an unsatisfactory result since the result (DD) is only ranked third in their system of preferences. It should be noted as well that the worst situation for each of the actors is where one of them is cooperation while the other is defection. As a result, it will be to each one's advantage to choose the strategy of defection in a case where one has reason to fear that the other might be defective himself.

  6. 6.

    Translator’s note: in opposition to an explanation of a causal nature.

  7. 7.

    Moreover, the form of the consultation is usually beyond the control of the constituents. In general, particular conditions must be met for a general consultation to be effectively used by the constituents to correct the line followed by the oligarchy.

  8. 8.

    On the decisive role of interpersonal influence in the credibility attached by the actor to impersonal messages, see the classic study by Katz and Lazarsfeld (1955).

  9. 9.

    Translator’s note: Boudon relies here possibly on the analysis of Max Weber (1922/1968).

  10. 10.

    Translator’s note: This birth control experiment carried out during 1956–1960 by Harvard School of Public Health, with funds of the Rockefeller Foundation and the Indian government, in a group of villages in the Penjab. The follow-up study was conducted in 1969 (Berger, 1974, p. 205).

  11. 11.

    Translator’s note: Here is Berger’s conclusion about this experiment: “If the staff of the project had listened to the villagers, instead of having an anthropologist study their alleged superstitions, they would have had no difficulty understanding this. […] Humanism, from the Renaissance on, has meant a respect for the place of values and meanings in the affairs of men. The humanities have been the disciplines that have studied human events from within, as it were- from within the subjective perceptions of reality that animate actors on the historical scene and that make their actions intelligible to an outside observer. Humanism in this sense has been widely dismissed as unscientific in the ambience of the social sciences, particularly in Anglo-Saxon countries. The discussion of this chapter indicates that this dismissal may have unfortunate consequences. A humanistic approach to development policy (and just as much to the other areas of politically controlled social change) will be based on the insight that no social process can succeed unless it is illuminated with meaning from within”.

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Boudon, R. (2023). Examples of Sociological Explanation in Terms of Methodological Individualism. In: Bulle, N., Di Iorio, F. (eds) The Palgrave Handbook of Methodological Individualism. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-41508-1_9

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