Abstract
Donald Trump and Vladimir Putin are plutopopulist who are often seen as the creators of a political model or theory. However, this vision represents a fallacy because both Trump and Putin are more the result than the cause of the political system. History proves that populism is not recent both in Russia and in the United States. Indeed, it had its birthplace in Russia in the middle of the nineteenth century, and the United States had its first populist experience in that century as well. Moreover, one of the most well-known features of Russian culture is the need for a messianic and charismatic leader whose decisions must be obeyed,while the melting pot of cultures existing in the United States favors the existence of a social gap, namely in periods of economic crisis, and the emergence of a populist leader trying to ride the dissatisfaction wave. This paper proves that Trumpism and Putinism do not represent new ideologies, despite using ideological elements which were already present in American and Russian societies and cultures before Trump and Putin have reached the power. Moreover, it explains the initial close relationship between Trump and Putin and its evolution.
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Notes
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In a paper recently accepted by ATINER, whose title is ‘Myths, Fallacies, and Realities of Populism: Towards a New Typology’, I propose a typology according to four criteria: the relationship of populist parties with the system; the way populist parties define the people and the elite inside the borders of their countries; the use of the web as the main or the sole platform for the populist message, and the importance of the borders as limit of the concept of people. Thus, I consider five types of populism: anti-establishment, socioeconomic, cultural or identitarian, digital or 2.0., and transnational populism.
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Wolf, M. (2017). Donald Trump proto-populism laid dare. Available at https://www.ft.com/content/69fe4862-2f20-11e7-9555-23ef563ecf9a.
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Luce, E. (2017). Donald Trump is creating a field day for the 1% https://www.ft.com/content/7dec9a66-faa2-11e6-9516-2d969e0d3b65.
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“(a) the process of production of meanings, signs and values in social life; (b) a body of ideas characteristic of a particular social group or class; (c) ideas which help to legitimate a dominant political power; (d) false ideas which help to legitimate a dominant political power; (e) systematically distorted communication; (f) that which offers a position for a subject; (g) forms of thought motivated by social interests; (h) identity thinking; (i) socially necessary illusion; j) the conjuncture of discourse and power; (k) the medium in which conscious social actors make sense of their world; (l) action-oriented sets of beliefs; (m) the confusion of linguistic and phenomenal reality; (n) semiotic closure; (o) the indispensable medium in which individuals live out their relations to a social structure; (p) the process whereby social life is converted to a natural reality” (Eagleton, 1991, pp. 1–2)
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Mathers, J. ‘The Trump-Putin relationship: what does It mean and what should we expect from it?”. Available at https://www.aber.ac.uk/en/media/departmental/interpol/images/Dr-Jeny-Matthers%2D%2D-Paper%2D%2D-The-Trump%2D%2D-Putin-Relationship.pdf.
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Available at https://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-57366668.
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Available at https://fanlax.com/forum/viewtopic.php?t=435&start=2340.
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Rahim, S. (2019). Fourth political theory: the quest for Eurasianism. Available at https://dailytimes.com.pk/359481/fourth-political-theory-the-quest-for-eurasianism/.
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Pinto, J.F. (2023). Trumpism and Putinism: Just Old Wine in New Bottles. In: Akande, A. (eds) The Perils of Populism. Springer Studies on Populism, Identity Politics and Social Justice. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-36343-6_18
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