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Chronology of a Discipline: Social and Cultural Anthropology in Spain

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Histories of Anthropology

Abstract

Anthropology in Spain has been strongly institutionalised in recent years through its presence in academic spaces. Nowadays the discipline is pursuing its institutionalisation through professional development outside the academic field. In this text, we present what has been called the first proto Anthropology in the light of the discussion about who should construct the history of the discipline. Then we developed a series of events that allow us to mark what we have called the “chronology of a discipline”, which we have found useful to situate the reader in the Spanish context. Starting by highlighting the links between Social Anthropology and folklore studies in its beginnings, we followed a line through the discipline developed in contemporary times. We focus our descriptions on the development of ethnographic museums, the associations of scholars and intellectuals that gave rise to the discipline’s first scientific journals and its subsequent institutionalisation in the academic world. Here we highlight the studies on the process of identity construction in the transition from dictatorship to democracy. We conclude our chapter by focusing on the development of the periodic anthropological congresses that have given shape to the discipline, and that serve as a reference space for thinking about Social and Cultural Anthropology as a profession.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    This last distinction is important insofar as the former looks closely at the question of the precursors of the discipline, as opposed to discontinuist history, which rejects such an idea.

  2. 2.

    Perhaps influenced by his teacher at Columbia University, Marvin Harris, whose work in this same area is well known.

  3. 3.

    In the same vein, Llobera reminds us that perhaps the practice of Anthropology itself, with its ethnographic method, can be a good guide for the practice of historicising the discipline. The way the historian of Anthropology acts is no different from the anthropologist in the field. “Both collect genealogies and both know that these genealogies cannot be taken at face value. As ideologies, these genealogies are not intended to explain history but to justify the structure of the present” (Llobera, 1976, p. 24).

  4. 4.

    We should not miss the opportunity to include here young researchers who seem to be orienting their careers in the field of Anthropology towards historicising the discipline. This is the case of Miguel Ángel Carvajal Contreras (trained at the University of Granada) and Ignacio de Domínguez Gregorio (2018), with his recent thesis on Historia de la antropología americanista española read at the Complutense University of Madrid.

  5. 5.

    For all readers interested in delving deeper into the history of Anthropology in Spain, we recommend consulting the reference works of the authors cited above. Specifically on the origins and development of Andalusian Anthropology, the works of Aguilar Criado (1989, 1992 and 1993) stand out. To investigate Catalan Anthropology, the works of Prat (Prat et al. 1992) and Calvo Calvo are of reference, an author who devotes part of his work to analysing the impact on the development of Spanish Anthropology of reference publications such as Revista de Dialectología y Tradiciones Populares and Éthnica (2022). In his case, Joan Prat is one of the relevant figures for understanding the history of Anthropology in Spain, with a special focus on the second half of the twentieth century (Prat, 1983, 1991 and 1999). Similarly, a critical review of anthropological production and disciplinary development during the nineteenth century is provided by Sánchez Gómez (1986), an author who pays special attention to the living ethnological exhibitions that took place at the beginning of the twentieth century and to whom we owe one of the reference works, the Diccionario histórico de la Antropología Española (Ortiz García & Sánchez Gómez, 1994). The co-editor of this work, Carmen Ortiz, has made enormous contributions to the history of the discipline, particularly her work on Luis de Hoyos Saiz (Ortiz, 1984 and Ortiz, 1987)and Julio Caro Baroja (1996) and her precise look at the development of the anthropological discipline in the last three decades of the twentieth century (2003). A more global vision, of essential references for those who want to know the themes, authors and keys to the development of the discipline in Spain during the twentieth century, is provided by the work edited by Müllauer-Seichter (2016) with an excellent introductory chapter.

  6. 6.

    One should not fail to consult more recent tributes dedicated to anthropologists of more recent times who have either passed away or retired from their work in academia. These tribute texts are often a place where people look back and the texts are filled with references to the past. We recommend consulting the following tributes: Agudo and Catón (2016), Cátedra and Devillard (2014), Contreras et al. (2012), Couceiro and Gómez (2012), Del Pino Díaz (2013), Devillard (2020), Fernández and Díaz (2020), Ferrándiz et al. (2015), González and Molina (2002), Henríquez Sánchez & Clavijo Redondo (2015), Mármol et al. (2016), Medeiros (2019), Palenzuela Chamorro (2017), Prat (2012), Tomé et al. (2021) or Vila (2019).

  7. 7.

    Verena Stolcke tells us that “it should be obvious, although it is not always so, that a history of any discipline requires first of all a definition of that discipline as a precondition for being able to delimit its field of research, to fix the starting point of this history and to decide on its periodisation” (2008, p. 11). In doing so, she also reminds us of the dilemma that this entails, for in order to delimit the disciplinary field, it is necessary to make a history of it. She resolves the dilemma by avoiding a formalist definition of the discipline and structures her proposal “around a constitutive tension which has never been overcome and which has been inherent in anthropological reflections, namely that between the unitary idea of the human species and the reality of its manifest socio-cultural multiplicity” (Stolcke, 2008, p. 131). For his part, Llobera (1976, pp. 30–31) resolves this issue as follows: “A provisional way out of the question of the epistemic status of anthropology that I advocate is to consider anthropology as a science in formation, whose foundations were laid by the Enlightenment, but which was never consolidated as a science due to a series of epistemological and ideological obstacles that arose around the discipline in the nineteenth century and have persisted into the twentieth century. This epistemological obstacle is the result of uncritically accepting the natural scientific model. Among the epistemological obstacles that I have been able to study are the effects of inductivism, empiricism, mechanical materialism and fixist evolutionism. They are the result, enshrined by Comte and Stuart Mill among others, of a misreading of natural scientific practice and the denial of the specificity of the social sciences. I will come back to this issue later on when dealing with the problems of theoretical externalism. Ideological obstacles are the result of the class character of the society that produced and developed the social sciences. The effect of these obstacles is to drag the social sciences from the purely cognitive to the more practical-social level, where they can be used, directly or indirectly, by the ideology and interests of the ruling class”.

  8. 8.

    “With the concept of theoretical externalism, I have tried to point out, in a rather schematic way, the situation of scientific dependence in which the social sciences have found themselves and still find themselves today. This situation is not without important consequences. If it is true, as I believe to be the case and have briefly shown, social scientists have systematically misrepresented scientific practice and have not normally taken into account the specificity of the social sciences” (Llobera, 1976, p. 37).

  9. 9.

    Fermín del Pino himself acknowledges that his first interest in the history of Anthropology had for him a presentist and nationalist character “since he wanted to understand why the Spanish chronicles of the Indies were considered properly ‘anthropological’ in the North American manuals, and not in the European ones” (Del Pino Díaz, 1994b, p. 565).

  10. 10.

    During the nineteenth century, political instability was constant and it continued until the twentieth century. This kept the country in continuous political changes since the Bourbon Restoration (1875), the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera (1923–1930), the Second Republic (1931–1939) followed by the Civil War (1936–1939) and the Franco dictatorship (1939–1975). These historical events directly affected the development of research and teaching, in many cases frustrating the consolidation of social disciplines such as Anthropology.

  11. 11.

    At this time, several leading publications included Anthropology-related topics in their pages: the Revista de España (1868–1894), the Revista Mensual de Filosofía, Literatura y Ciencias (1869–1874), from which Krausist and Darwinist ideas were disseminated; the publication Anales de la Sociedad Española de Historia Natural (1872–1902), which included the minutes of the society’s meetings and research reports of its members (among whom Manuel Antón Ferrándiz, Francisco de las Barras de Aragón and Telesforo Aranzadi stood out); or the Revista de Antropología published by the Sociedad Antropológica Española in which Darwinist and evolutionist theories found a space for dissemination in our context, not without criticism and internal debate (Galera et al., 1984).

  12. 12.

    The text by Luis Sánchez Gómez (1990) can be consulted for further information on the history of this society and its work linked to physical Anthropology and prehistory, as well as the complex relations of this organisation with the Bernardino Sahagún Institute of Anthropology and Ethnology of the CSIC in the service of the dictatorship, which ended up dissolving the former.

  13. 13.

    To learn more about the figure of this author, we recommend the text by Carmen Ortiz (1987), who makes an exhaustive approach to the contributions and anthropological work of Luis de Hoyos Saiz.

  14. 14.

    This period was not a period devoid of anthropological initiatives. In fact, in the 1940s important institutions were founded, such as the Bernardino de Sahagún Institute of Anthropology and Ethnology (CSIC), directed by J. Pérez de Barradas (for further information, see the work of Sánchez, 1992); the Centre for Peninsular Ethnology Studies; the Institute of Pyrenean Studies (1942–1983) or the Spanish Institute of Musicology, Folklore Section (1943–1985), currently the Department of Ethnomusicology at the Autonomous University of Barcelona. All these institutions had associated journals and periodicals (Ikuska, Anuario Musical, Munibé, etc.), which did not free them from the censorship of the time, but allowed a certain expression of the research and work that was carried out (closer to the interests of the regime than to the enhancement of the diversity of the Spanish State itself).

  15. 15.

    For more in-depth knowledge of Caro Baroja’s work, see the works of Velasco (2014) Ortiz (1996) and Velasco and Lisón (1995).

  16. 16.

    Co-founder of the first national journal specialising in ethnography and what we know today as Social and Cultural Anthropology in Spain: Revista de Dialectología y Tradiciones Populares (1944). Published by the Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas (CSIC-Madrid) which, in 2019, changed its name to Disparidades. Revista de Antropología. For more details on this journal, see Ortiz García (1994), Casado (1991) and Calvo (2002).

  17. 17.

    We can see part of this friendship in Velasco and Caro (2015), where we can find personal letters between Julio Caro Baroja and Julian Pitt-Rivers. We can also find it in a chapter written by George M. Foster, North American anthropologist from University of California, Berkeley. But the fact that his work The People of the Sierra was dedicated to Julio Caro Baroja was irrefutable evidence of this.

  18. 18.

    In spite of the importance of Pitt-Rivers work, critics were abundant. In this way, we can see Moreno’s works (1972, 1975). But we can also find a positive interpretation of Pitt-Rivers works in Honorio Velasco (1989). Pitt-Rivers work crosses the line of the Anthropology in Spain and has a large tradition of both presenters and critics.

  19. 19.

    In this way, it is important to highlight the work of Spanish Americanist anthropologists such as Manuel Ballesteros Gaibrois, linked to the Franco regime and promoter of the Seminar of Americanist Studies (1951), teacher of José Alcina Franch, also an Americanist anthropologist, who founded the Department of Anthropology and Ethnology of America at the University of Seville in 1959. Coming back to Madrid, Alcina and Ballesteros created the Department of Anthropology and Ethnology of America at the Faculty of Geography and History of the Complutense University of Madrid (1967).

  20. 20.

    We recognise the difficulty involved in the selection of references and we cannot fail to mention people whose promotion of Anthropology in their respective universities is part of the history of the discipline, such as Alberto Galván (University of La Laguna), José Antonio Fernández de Rota (Santiago de Compostela), María Cátedra, Ricardo Sanmartín, Teresa San Román or Isidoro Moreno (a key reference in Andalusian Anthropology). An approach to their work and contributions is masterfully presented in the work of José Luís Anta (2007).

  21. 21.

    The debate on whether to call the anthropological discipline social or cultural in its process of institutionalisation in Spain has its origins in these moments when disputes over university spaces and fields of knowledge were recognised. Thus, Carmelo Lisón, from the Complutense University of Madrid, placed himself in “Social Anthropology” close to sociology in order to develop his work, while Claudio Esteva, already in Barcelona, defended “the cultural” as a priority area of study for Anthropology. For more on this “identity of Anthropology as a negotiated problem” (Esteva in Brufau et al., 2011), see Lisón (1975), Frigolé (1975) and Moreno (1975).

  22. 22.

    We are aware that the history of a discipline in a given historical period is not made by just two people, despite the fact that they are very important and decisive figures for the anthropological discipline. For this reason, we do not want to forget to underline the fact that Esteva Fabregat and Lisón Tolosana were surrounded by an environment and people that allowed the academic flourishing of the discipline, as well as the development of specialisations in the discipline and in research. Another important nucleus was formed at the University of Seville and at the University of Oviedo: at the former, under the influence of J. Alcina Franch (who was followed by Isidoro Moreno), the Seminar of American Anthropology was founded (where Americanist and Andalusian studies were carried out, under a methodology and theoretical orientation inspired by the trend of the cultural areas of American Anthropology), while at the latter anthropological knowledge was built around R. Valdés, who later moved to the Autonomous University of Barcelona.

  23. 23.

    Franco’s dictatorship was from 1939 till 1975. For the Spaniards citizenship and for the academics background, that means a large period of obscurantism, academic tardiness and freedom limitations. To know the influence of dictatorship in Spain, see Otero Carvajal works (2014, 2017).

  24. 24.

    The process of autonomous regions started in 1978 and it ended in 1995. It signifies the conformation of seventeen autonomous territories and two autonomous cities (in the north of Africa); three territories were recognised directly through the so-called rapid way (Catalonia, Basque Country and Galicia), thanks to an autonomous statute approved during the Second Republic (1931–1936). The rest of the territories went through different processes more or less quickly.

  25. 25.

    Between the 1960s and 1980s was the period of the greatest proliferation of anthropological journals in Spain; however, as Calvo (2002) points out, this is a paradigmatic issue during the institutionalisation of the discipline “given that, being one of the most outstanding academic instruments, anthropological journals in Spain have certainly had an eventful and difficult life during these three decades of institutionalisation” (Calvo 2002, pp. 6–7).

  26. 26.

    For further details on this journal, see Alcañiz (1994) and Calvo Alaniz (2002). The initial article written by Esteva Fabregat himself (1969) and the one at the end of the period, when it ceased publication (Esteva Fabregat, 1984a) are also very enlightening.

  27. 27.

    It is not our intention to give a detailed analysis of this stage here; we simply want to offer the foreign reader some coordinates to understand the development of the discipline today, but we cannot fail to recommend reading the text by Anta (2005) in which the development of Spanish Anthropology in the 1980s is presented in detail and with a critical orientation. Similarly, we would like to highlight the importance of the so-called Americanists, of the links with the Latin American context that have remained a central part of the development of Spanish Anthropology, especially from the Catalan and Andalusian schools (in both cases Anthropology studies were located in university centres in the field of History) from which links and networks were built, solidly anchored and instituted around exiled anthropologists such as Ángel Palerm or Carmen Viqueira who maintained their professional work in these territories (Aguilar Criado & Carles Feixa, 2000; Pujadas, 2017).

  28. 28.

    For more information about each association, you can visit their websites.

  29. 29.

    Despite the previous list of territorial anthropological associations in 1981, the reference year for this II Congreso does not include many of them; it is true that they already existed, but without legal recognition. What we have offered here is the year of legal creation of each association.

  30. 30.

    Prior to this IV Congreso, these statutes had been discussed at the II Congreso de Antropología held in San Sebastian in 1984.

  31. 31.

    Before this long list of congresses that we have summarised, scientific meetings were held in Spain that attempted to bring together the bulk of the (mainly academic) Anthropology of the time. We should mention at least two antecedents: the First Meeting of Spanish Anthropologists held in Seville in 1973 (Jiménez Núñez, 1975) and organised by the University of Seville, and a year later, the Second Meeting of Spanish Anthropologists in Segovia organised by the Complutense University of Madrid (Rivera Dorado, 1977, 1978). It is worth mentioning these two meetings because they marked the delimitation of two anthropologies in Spain: on the one hand, the more historicist one linked to the so-called Americanist Anthropology and, on the other hand, the more social one linked to British Anthropology.

  32. 32.

    Observe how it came to be referred to as “international”.

  33. 33.

    This first one was in Madrid and then followed in Barcelona (2016), Puerto Vallarta (2017), Granada (2018), Madrid (2019), online edition (2020) and Vila Real (2021). For more information about each edition, you can visit the AIBR website. The programme of every edition is available.

  34. 34.

    Throughout this chapter we have listed some of the most important journals in the discipline, but to learn more about periodical publications in the field of Social and Cultural Anthropology in the Spanish context, the work of Celeste Jiménez and Francisco Checa (2012) published in Gazeta de Antropología is a compulsory reference. There is also a monographic issue of the Revista de Dialectología y Tradiciones Populares which describes in each article the details of a good part of the “living” Anthropology journals in Spain. It was published in 2002 (volume XVII, number 1) and coordinated by Luis Calvo Chica.

  35. 35.

    It should be pointed out that in the period we are now chronicling, in addition to the birth of a significant number of journals, some journals that had been published in previous periods also disappeared. This is the case of the aforementioned Ethnica. Revista de Antropología, which disappeared in 1984.

  36. 36.

    A brief history of the journal can also be found in Carretero Pérez (2002).

  37. 37.

    A description of the journal also appears in the above-mentioned text by Carretero Pérez (2002) and, previously, in Carretero Pérez (1994).

  38. 38.

    A history of the journal also appears in Solana Ruiz (2002).

  39. 39.

    A brief history of the journal can be found in Quaderns Editorial Board (Consejo de Redacción de Quaderns, 2002).

  40. 40.

    A retrospective of the journal can be found in Bodoque Puerta (2002).

  41. 41.

    In some cases (the first ten issues), the full text of each article is available. Sánchez Sanz and Gari Lacruz (2002) also made an assessment of the journal shortly before the twentieth anniversary of its first issue.

  42. 42.

    A history of the journal is also available in Úbeda (2002).

  43. 43.

    There is a short text on the history of the journal: Sanmartín Arce (2002).

  44. 44.

    A description of the journal can be found in González Alcantud (2002).

  45. 45.

    We have not included in the list other journals close to the field of Anthropology, but with content clearly dedicated to the study of popular traditions and folklore, which were published on similar dates. These would be Revista de Folklore, 1980, Kalathos. Revista del Seminario de Arqueología y Etnología Turolense, 1981, and Aixa. Revista anual la Gabella. Revista biannual del Museu Etnològic del Montseny, 1987.

  46. 46.

    Studies on gender, migratory processes, work, heritage, health, development, racism, education, inter-ethnic relations, religion, ecology, food, sexuality, tourism, music, family, drugs, housing, sport, and so on generate specialisations that have become consolidated as “sub-disciplines” or “fields” of reference, present in all study programmes, such as the Anthropology of Gender, Urban Anthropology, the Anthropology of Education or the Anthropology of Health (among others) that share academic space with traditional economic, kinship or political anthropologies.

  47. 47.

    Currently, training in Social and Cultural Anthropology in Spain consists of 240 ECTS Bachelor’s degrees (equivalent in 2400 hours), 60, 90 or 120 ECTS Master’s degrees and specialised doctoral studies (equivalent in 600, 900 or 1200 hours).

  48. 48.

    The famous process, popularly known as the Bologna Process in Europe, gives rise to the European Higher Education Area.

  49. 49.

    Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, Universidad Complutense de Madrid, Universidad de Granada, Universidad de La Laguna, Universidad de Salamanca, Universidad de Sevilla, Universidad de Valladolid, Universidad del País Vasco, Universidad Nacional de Educación a Distancia, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Universitat de Barcelona and Universitat Rovira y Virgili.

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Rubio Gómez, M., García Castaño, F.J., Calabresi, G. (2023). Chronology of a Discipline: Social and Cultural Anthropology in Spain. In: D'Agostino, G., Matera, V. (eds) Histories of Anthropology. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-21258-1_6

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