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The Diverse Accounts of Anthropology in Viet Nam

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Abstract

The account of the introduction and development of anthropology in Vietnam crosses and embodies the events of the twentieth century in a surprising way. Starting from a colonial history in which Southeast Asia, a much larger region that does not coincide but rather includes the Socialist Republic of Vietnam, and passing through the World Wars, decolonisation and the Cold War, Vietnam is at the centre of a complex trajectory of cultural narratives, policies and ethnographic self-representations difficult to trace back to a single and linear story. In this chapter, the work on the sources includes archives of the various cultural institutions founded in colonial times by France in Indochina, a period in which anthropology overlaps and joins archaeology; it then collects the testimonies of the first Vietnamese anthropologists who, although trained at the French school, distinguished themselves in nationalist roles during the times of the Indochina War; they include the divergent and highly politicised narratives of the two decades of the division of the country (1955–1975), a complex phase to be reconstructed due to the objective decrease in anthropological research and the scarcity of digital sources relating to the ethnography of the Soviet period.

In all these phases, anthropology struggles to assume a status independent from history, at least at the institutional level, and rarely it evolves from an ethnographic-descriptive phase. Finally, the contemporary scenario is introduced, a context that sees a real boom in Vietnamese anthropology thanks to the opening of degree courses, research doctorates, dedicated departments and new ethnographic museums, which indicate altogether the acknowledgement of anthropology as a discipline not only useful for the investigation of the (very many) ethnic and linguistic diversities, but also as necessary knowledge for environmental protection, for tourism enhancement and for the reconstruction of an articulated history of the self and the nation.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Having gained control of Cochinchina in 1867, in 1872 the French initiated military campaigns towards the rest of the country. In 1883 France concluded the Tonkin campaign, with the treaty of Huế, which required the Vietnamese court to set up protectorates over Annam and Tonkin (Protectorat d’Annam and Protectorat du Tonkin). The Franco-Chinese war (1884–1885) ensued, and the victory the French marked at the beginning of a period of extensive rule over Vietnam.

  2. 2.

    The Geneva Conference of 1954 put an end to the Indochina War and marked the demise of the French Protectorate. Four independent nations were established: Cambodia, Laos, Viet Nam of the North and Viet Nam of the South, separated by a formal boundary along the seventeenth parallel. The partition imposed on Viet Nam was de facto endorsed for opposing reasons by all the political actors involved in the Conference: the United States, China, the Soviet Union and France itself. The partition marked the onset of a phase of internal migration and anticipated intense emigration of Vietnamese people from both halves of the country. The Vietnamese general elections planned in the Geneva treaties for 1956, and meant to end the temporary partition set up by the Conference, never took place. On the contrary, from 1959 the Ho Chi Minh government in the North began to officially support Viet Minh guerrillas in the South.

  3. 3.

    In the texts of many American authors, the Viet Nam War is called the Second Indochina War, whereas history texts of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam do not refer to the country’s partition but rather mention the “occupation of southern regions by American military forces”.

  4. 4.

    Most sources attest that the extent of administrative and fiscal control over the five regional units of French Indochina continued to change and featured quite different profiles even after Paul Doumer set up authorised agencies in all five areas of the protectorate. Cochinchina was administered directly by France, while the four protectorates were to a certain extent ruled by their respective monarchs: in Annam and Tonkin the Vietnamese emperor had to accept French civilian personnel into his central and regional government, which effectively created a parallel administration; the monarchies of Cambodia and Laos remained in power symbolically with very limited roles, while officials occupied the highest posts and reported to the French Résident supérieur (Devillers, 1952; Lam, 2000; Cooper, 2001).

  5. 5.

    From the name of the official who authorised its establishment, Governor General of Cochinchina from 1926 to 1929, Paul-Marie Blanchard de la Brosse signed the decree for the opening of the Musée de Saigon; later Musée Blanchard de la Brosse; from 1953 to 1975 National Museum of Vietnam; finally, after the unification, Vietnam History Museum in Ho Chi Minh City, under the direction of the Vietnam History Museum in Hanoi.

  6. 6.

    In 1954, Võ Nguyên Giáp became known beyond the anthropological sphere as General Giáp in the Battle of Điện Biên Phủ, which put an end to the Indochina War.

  7. 7.

    It should be noted that EFEO embraced this new course of scientific research in an exceptionally contentious political climate around French colonial management. In Paris, disputes emerged on the opening of the Colonial Exhibition of 1931. Many Vietnamese were arrested, most of whom were students attending a meeting with Nguyen Van Tao, a newly formed Central Committee member of the Indochinese Communist Party (Lebovics, 1992, p. 98).

  8. 8.

    https://www.jstor.org/stable/pdf/42927609.pdf, Communication from THE FAR-EASTERN PREHISTORY ASSOCIATION In Asian Perspectives, Vol. 1, No. 1–2, 1957, pp. 6–11.

  9. 9.

    Among the key events contributing to the end of the Indochina War was the defeat of France by the Viet Minh led by General Võ Nguyên Giáp in the Battle of Dien Bien Phu. Võ Nguyên Giáp had been a student at the French university of Indochina in the 1930s, and he must have known Phan Bội Châu (see note 22).

  10. 10.

    A wide and discontinuous range of sources, often at odds with each other, have gone into the writing of this section: rare articles on Viet Nam issued in the leading Soviet ethnographic journal (called Sovyetskaya Etnografia between 1931 and 1991, the years I focus on) available in translation only with regard to some years; Soviet studies journals (Soviet Anthropology and Archaeology, renamed Anthropology and Archaeology of Eurasia in 1992); the institutional websites of the Vietnam Academy of Sciences and the National University of Vietnam in Hanoi and Ho Chi Minh (in Vietnamese and English) and related historical archives only for sections available in electronic format (some of which I have translated); records of a historical-ethnographic nature, de-classified in 2005, and for use by the American Defense Department during the Vietnam War (1968–1975, or the Second Indochina War, according to the most frequent wording in the American literature).

  11. 11.

    In 1976 the Workers’ Party (Đảng công nhân Việt Nam) merged with the National Liberation Front, and with the People’s Revolutionary Party of Vietnam (South, Đảng Nhân dân Cách mạng Việt Nam, established in 1962 in support of the Viet Minh) and joined the Communist Party of Vietnam (Đảng Cộng sản Việt Nam).

  12. 12.

    Institutional website in English of the Vietnam Academy of Social Sciences. Last accessed 04/2022. http://en.vass.gov.vn/noidung/gioithieu/pages/lich-su-phat-trien.aspx?ItemID=3.

  13. 13.

    Ibid., http://en.vass.gov.vn/noidung/gioithieu/cocautochuc/Pages/thong-tin-don-vi.aspx?ItemID=103&PostID=66.

  14. 14.

    Ngô Đình Diệm was the self-appointed president of the Republic of South Vietnam from 1955 to 1963. A former official of the French administration, in 1954 he opposed the Geneva conference’s decision to launch a referendum aimed at the reunification of the country. With the support of a Catholic minority, Diệm established a pro-US government in southern Vietnam, supported especially by the million Catholics who had left the Democratic Republic of Vietnam after the establishment of the Communist government in Ho Chi Minh.

  15. 15.

    The Department of History was inaugurated at the National University of Hanoi in 1956 and remained the leading Humanities department until reunification.

  16. 16.

    The author dwells rather critically on the academic training provided to students in the Soviet orbit during their three-year stay in the USSR: the first year was devoted to learning Russian, the second to the principles of Marxism-Leninism, and only the third engaged the study of the discipline itself (Nguyen Van Chinh, 2019, p. 91).

  17. 17.

    In the institutional narrative, the Vietnam War (War of Resistance Against America) is said to take place from 1955 to 1975.

  18. 18.

    https://vass.gov.vn/Pages/Index.aspx Last accessed 04/2022.

  19. 19.

    The denomination of Indochina War of 1945–1954 was adopted throughout the DRV.

  20. 20.

    What needs to be looked into is the possible reason for the importance attributed to ethnolinguistic mapping of the mountain areas of Tonkin, that is the North of Vietnam. Squeezed between the expansions of the Chinese empire from the North and Thai incursions from the West, this mountain region featured a heterogeneous ethnic makeup, layered over time on account of the flights or migrations to the highlands by successive waves of populations who had different languages, ethnicities, and histories. Trade between these groups over such rough terrain was difficult or non-existent, and both in colonial and in Soviet times, the kingdoms and empires of the plains found it hard to oversee or tax the whole region. Missions to impose control via mapping were attempted repeatedly throughout the twentieth century. A rich selection of ethnolinguistic maps documenting all this may be found in Michaud et al., 2002.

  21. 21.

    Military aid that played a decisive anti-colonial role came from the Khmer and Laotians, while the territory of the South was ravaged by both regular guerrillas, the Viet Minh of North Vietnam and irregular bands. Each militia had its own dominant ethnic group, in a context of increasing fragmentation of social as well as the political conflict.

  22. 22.

    Phan Bội Châu (1867–1940), patriot and nationalist, turned to Japan for anti-French support; Phan Châu Trinh (1872–1926), nationalist and revolutionary, anti-monarchist and anti-militarist, opposed the Japanese intervention in Vietnam.

  23. 23.

    First secretary of the PCV, author in 1953–1956 of a major agrarian reform designed for the benefit of rural ethnic groups, with a view to overhauling the still feudal setup of the land. The reform was in fact disastrous and caused hunger and famine. It was one of the publicly acknowledged failures of PCV policies.

  24. 24.

    According to the official historical page of the VASS, http://en.vass.gov.vn/noidung/gioithieu/pages/lich-su-phat-trien.aspx?ItemID=3. (Last accessed 04/2022).

  25. 25.

    Cited documents are available in the archive of the Institute of Anthropology and may be consulted on the website upon request. Consultation was made possible via digital translations. Even though we are dealing with a rough translation, it is reasonably certain that relations were of technique-based rather than ethnographic, provided ethnography is understood as resulting from an immersive or prolonged presence in the field. Descriptions dwell on work tools used in the fields, on the surge in agricultural productivity thanks to the introduction of machinery and on the increased quantity of rice available to each family. Interactions with rural populations are undocumented, and no quantitative distinctions emerge, either of thought or of beliefs. Distinctions and classification operate on a purely linguistic basis (Last accessed 04/2022).

  26. 26.

    Interestingly, the Vietnamese Revolution History Museum was to be absorbed by the National History Museum in 2011.

  27. 27.

    In any case, it is unrealistic to imagine Vietnam as uniformly represented by any of its museums, not even with regard to museums that are meant as unmediated expressions of the socialist period. The meaning that the term socialist has taken on in Vietnam must be understood “situationally”, as placed within a context and at a particular juncture that intersects an anti-colonial and anti-French thrust later rephrased as anti-American.

    Debate on the socialist past in Vietnam, or rather on the failed experiment of socialist society that lasted only three decades (1954–1986), seems ultimately much more nuanced and far reaching inside a museum than in the static pages of a history book. Objects on display are selected together with citizens. Each window or caption is the result of a negotiation. And the power of public negotiation remains strong because it is also exerted in the act of not stopping to look or read. This experience of collective representation has made it possible to develop only a small part of that nostalgia for the Socialist Past: Ostalgie, a well-known leitmotiv in the history and memory of unified Germany against the decades of the German Democratic Republic.

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Bougleux, E. (2023). The Diverse Accounts of Anthropology in Viet Nam. In: D'Agostino, G., Matera, V. (eds) Histories of Anthropology. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-21258-1_17

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