Abstract
Using a definition of miracles as extraordinary events, the chapter presents two case studies that function as windows into Lakota worldviews and lifeways. The first case focuses on the Lakota’s remarkable historical rise to a position of political, military, and economic power in the upper Great Plains during the nineteenth century, their subsequent fall from dominance, and their persistent efforts to reassert their sovereignty and control of their lands. It notes the extraordinary leaders who rose to defend the Lakota against concerted efforts by the United States government to destroy their culture and take their lands from them and continued Lakota resilience in the face of those challenges. The second case investigates the extraordinary intervention of Ptesáŋwiŋ or White Buffalo Calf Woman when Lakota survival was threatened by cold and starvation. It connects her protection of the Lakota to the cardinal virtues of Lakota culture. These case studies draw from Indigenous methodologies that emphasize Native perspectives and concerns, particularly as articulated by Eduardo Viveiros de Castro’s perspectivist approach. Viveiros de Castro argues that the study of Indigenous peoples should proceed from a standpoint that privileges Indigenous worldviews, including those of the nonhuman persons with whom they share their neighborhoods. The chapter begins with an exploration of “miracle” as a concept and then moves to a discussion of Viveiros de Castro’s approach. The following two sections present the two case studies—Lakota sovereignty and Lakota identity—after which I provide concluding remarks.
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Notes
- 1.
In my research, I have uncovered two sources that employ the term “miracle,” both by non-Lakota scholars. Joseph Bruchac [Abenaki] uses the term in relating the birth of a female white buffalo in Janesville, WI. on August 24, 1994 to a reappearance of White Buffalo Calf Woman (Bruchac, 2009). The second is by David Posthumus, who uses it in passing to describe the germination of seeds in relation to the creative process undertaken by Tákuškaŋškaŋ (Posthumus, 2018).
- 2.
I am contrasting the Lakota perspective with an Abrahamic one, given my assumption that most readers will be familiar with the latter.
- 3.
“Traditional” here refers to nineteenth century sources of Lakota knowledge when the Lakota still maintained sovereignty over their lands, culture, and practices and freely roamed the upper Great Plains prior to the impact of Christian missionaries. “Traditional” is not intended to reify this time period. Reflective of their historical circumstances and their belief in a cosmos that is dynamic and constantly changing, the Lakota continually adapt to changing circumstances. The nineteenth century is only one moment in their history. I also refer to worldviews in the plural since there never was, nor is, a single Lakota voice. Knowledge and its application varied from individual to individual and from one Lakota group to another.
- 4.
Although the editions cited here are not from the early nineteenth century, the knowledge contained in them is based on the experiences of these men who still had memories of the older traditions. For example, Joseph M. Marshall III (2001) notes that Standing Bear was first published around 1900.
- 5.
- 6.
The New Lakota Dictionary privileges contemporary usage over traditional meanings.
- 7.
In Black Elk Speaks, John Neihardt (2008) claims that the term “Great Spirit” refers to Škáŋ or Sky.
- 8.
The more traditional interpretations of Lakota terms offered here reflect the wisdom and knowledge of the highly respected elders who have memories of the traditional ways. These interpretations may not be consistent with more contemporary and assimilated Lakota.
- 9.
There are variations in the spelling of the term, even among Anishinaabeg writers.
- 10.
Arthur Amiotte identifies a third category, eháŋni. Eháŋni refers to the earliest events in creation when the first wakȟáŋ beings appeared and, then, the world with “all its plants, creatures, and mankind.” Amiotte argues that eháȟni ohúȟkakaŋ applies to the time when, in Walker’s terms, the associate gods appeared and humans emerged on to newly created earth (Amiotte, 2009, p. 263).
- 11.
My argument is that the Lakota continued as Ikčé Oyáte and did not gain their true identity as Lakota until they recovered their spiritual center through White Buffalo Calf Woman’s gifts of the Sacred Pipe and other ceremonies. Given the creation narrative, the progenitors of the Lakota, Dakota, and Nakota all emerged at the same time and are all Ikče Oyáte. The historical migration described here relates specifically to the Lakota, so I will use that term here.
- 12.
Most of the historical material in this section comes from Pekka Hämäläinen’s detailed history of the Lakota (2019).
- 13.
Unless otherwise cited, the material in this section is from D. M. Dooling’s The Sons of the Wind: The Sacred Stories of the Lakota (1992).
- 14.
Dating the arrival of White Buffalo Calf Woman in a specific historical time is not important to the Lakota. Only the events themselves are.
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Detwiler, F. (2022). Miracles: Two Lakota Case Studies. In: Zwier, K.R., Weddle, D.L., Knepper, T.D. (eds) Miracles: An Exercise in Comparative Philosophy of Religion. Comparative Philosophy of Religion, vol 3. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-14865-1_11
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