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On Extreme Forms of Violence Against Women in Europe: Does Femi(ni)cide Exist in Germany?

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Gender Competent Public Law and Policies

Part of the book series: Gender Perspectives in Law ((GPL,volume 2))

Abstract

In this paper the author analyzes how femi(ni)cide is framed and defined in European policy and domestic policy, and to what extent the concept of femi(ni)cide could improve the functioning of policies on violence against women in this region. This article is situated within the debates on the implementation and ratification of the Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence (Istanbul Convention). The author focuses her analysis on Germany, working with three types of sources: reports to the Group of Experts on Action against Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence (GREVIO); minor interpellations; and parliamentary motions. The paper is informed by feminist theories and so-called epistemologies of the South. The author argues that the discourses on femi(ni)cide in Germany illustrate how modern modes of thought limit the ability to address femi(ni)cide in its complexity and evidence a continuum of colonial structures of thought.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence, Istanbul (CETS No. 210, 2011).

  2. 2.

    I use “femi(ni)cide” as an abbreviation of “feminicide/femicide”.

  3. 3.

    See further Daza Bonachela (2017).

  4. 4.

    The definition offered here should not be taken as official or definitive, as the concept itself continues to evolve and be refined; see further Luján Pinelo (2018).

  5. 5.

    For femi(ni)cide types see, e.g., Russell (2001); Atencio and Laporta (2012).

  6. 6.

    Global South is used here to refer broadly to those countries that historically have experienced “the human suffering caused by capitalism and colonialism on the global level, as well as for the resistance to overcoming or minimising such suffering.” Santos (2016), p. 18.

  7. 7.

    For critiques of the use of the term “Latin America” see, e.g., Mignolo (2005); Gargallo (2014).

  8. 8.

    See, e.g., Weil et al. (2018).

  9. 9.

    See further Fregoso and Bejarano (2010); Laporta (2015a).

  10. 10.

    United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, Statement by Germany on the investigation and prosecution of gender-related killings of women and girls, annex (2014), https://www.unodc.org/documents/justice-and-prison-reform/IEGM_GRK_BKK/Germany_Annex.pdf.

  11. 11.

    I borrow the term “epistemologies of the South” from Boaventura de Sousa (2016) to cover a variety of epistemologies originating in the global South, such as postcolonialism, decoloniality and anticoloniality. For an overview see Mendoza (2016).

  12. 12.

    A deep analysis of these international documents in relation to femi(ni)cide is worthwhile, but goes beyond the scope of this paper.

  13. 13.

    Russell used “femicide” in the International Tribunal on Crimes against Women in 1974, but without defining it. In 1990 she and Jane Caputi offered a first definition.

  14. 14.

    UN Committee for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, General Recommendation 35, CEDAW/C/GC/35 (2017), 34b.

  15. 15.

    See further Laporta (2015b).

  16. 16.

    Explanatory Report to the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence, Istanbul, 11 May 2011, paras. 16 and 23.

  17. 17.

    See Dyroff et al. (2020).

  18. 18.

    The Group of Experts on Action against Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence, Questionnaire on legislative and other measures giving effect to the provisions of the Council of Europe Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence (Istanbul Convention), GREVIO/Inf(2016)1, at V:O.

  19. 19.

    Penalty: imprisonment for life.

  20. 20.

    Penalty: at least 5 years imprisonment, in some cases imprisonment for life.

  21. 21.

    Penalty: at least 3 years imprisonment.

  22. 22.

    Penalty: 3 years maximum imprisonment or fine.

  23. 23.

    Germany, GREVIO First State Report Germany, State Report (2020), p. 43. “Motives are considered ‘base’ if they are at the lowest moral level and are therefore much more despicable than in the case of manslaughter” German Women Lawyers Association (DJB) (2021), p. 40.

  24. 24.

    Penalty: at least 10 years imprisonment or imprisonment for life.

  25. 25.

    Penalty: at least 10 years imprisonment or imprisonment for life.

  26. 26.

    See Dyroff et al. (2020).

  27. 27.

    State Report, at V:D.

  28. 28.

    As Lagarde explains, her definition is framed as a human rights violation that includes the tolerance of society towards these crimes and the responsibility of the State to work on guaranteeing the lives of its citizens and the enforcement of justice (2008: 216-7).

  29. 29.

    This information was valid at least until August 18, 2021. The RIGG-Intervention-Union RLP (September 2020); Solidarity with women in distress, SOLWODI (2020); Lebkom e. V., Lessan, Terre des Femmes and End FGM European Network joint report (2020); DaMigra (December 2020); German Women Lawyers Association (February 2021); The German Istanbul Convention Alliance (February 2021); The Alliance Nordic Modell (July 2021); and Johanna Elle/Andrea Kothen (July 2021).

  30. 30.

    UNWOMEN, Alternative and shadow reporting as a campaign element (January 3, 2012), https://www.endvawnow.org/en/articles/1302-alternative-and-shadow-reporting-as-a-campaign-element.html.

  31. 31.

    DJB (2021).

  32. 32.

    DJB (2021), p. 36.

  33. 33.

    DJB (2021), p. 40.

  34. 34.

    DJB (2021), p. 40.

  35. 35.

    DJB (2021), p. 44.

  36. 36.

    German Istanbul Alliance (BIK) (2021). The alliance was established in 2018. The DJB is part of this alliance too.

  37. 37.

    BIK (2021), p. 30.

  38. 38.

    BIK (2021), p. 138.

  39. 39.

    Some countries such as Puerto Rico and Argentina differentiate femi(ni)cide from transfemi(ni)cide. For others, femi(ni)cide is an umbrella term that includes transfemi(ni)cide as a type. In the German context, “*” has been used as a sign of inclusion and visibility, referring to any person that identifies with the given gender identity preceding the asterisk. This, however, has started to be questioned: see, e.g., Yaghoobifarahicht (2018).

  40. 40.

    The report is referring here to the Federal Criminal Police Office annual reports on intimate partner violence.

  41. 41.

    BIK (2021), p. 139. For a detailed analysis of this point see Beeck (2021).

  42. 42.

    BIK (2021), p. 138.

  43. 43.

    BIK (2021), p. 138.

  44. 44.

    BIK (2021), p. 28.

  45. 45.

    BIK (2021), pp. 28–30.

  46. 46.

    BIK (2021), p. 139.

  47. 47.

    Alliance Nordic Model, Shadow report Council of Europe convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence (2021), p. 39, https://rm.coe.int/2021-07-09-alliance-nordic-model-shadow-report/1680a33a24.

  48. 48.

    Atencio (2017), p. 22.

  49. 49.

    To collect the interpellations, I used the now-expired project https://kleineanfragen.de/ and the Federal Parliament webpage. For a comprehensive explanation of how the German government works, see, e.g., https://www.bpb.de/.

  50. 50.

    World Health Organization, Understanding and addressing violence against women WHO/RHR/12.38 (2012).

  51. 51.

    European Institute for Gender Equality. Femicide. https://eige.europa.eu/thesaurus/terms/1128.

  52. 52.

    “The Left” (Left).

  53. 53.

    Hamburger Senat, Antwort des Senats auf die Kleine Anfrage der Fraktion Die Linke, Doc. 21/18951 (2019).

  54. 54.

    E.g., Hamburger Senat, Antwort des Senats auf die Kleine Anfrage der Fraktion Die Linke, Doc. 21/14972 (2018).

  55. 55.

    “The Greens” (Centre-left).

  56. 56.

    Niedersächsischer Landtag, Antwort der Landesregierung auf die Kleine Anfrage der Fraktion Die Grünen, Doc. 18/6142 (2020). All translations into English are my own.

  57. 57.

    Bundesregierung, Antwort der Bundesregierung auf die Kleine Anfrage der Fraktion Die Linke, Doc. 19/4059 (2018).

  58. 58.

    Sächsischer Landtag, Antwort der Landesregierung auf die Kleine Anfrage der Fraktion Die Linke, 7/3707 (2020).

  59. 59.

    Landtag Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Antwort der Landesregierung auf die Kleine Anfrage der Fraktion Die Freie Wähler/BMV, Doc. 7/3138 (2019).

  60. 60.

    Hamburger Senat (2018).

  61. 61.

    Bundesregierung, Antwort der Bundesregierung auf die Kleine Anfrage der Fraktion Die Linke, Doc. 19/10062 (2019).

  62. 62.

    Niedersächsischer Landtag (2020).

  63. 63.

    E.g., Hamburger Senat (2019).

  64. 64.

    “The Origin & Importance of the Term Femicide,” on Diana E. H. Russell’s official website, https://www.dianarussell.com/origin_of_femicide.html.

  65. 65.

    Steinl (2018), p. 202.

  66. 66.

    Bundestag, Gesetzes zur Bekämpfung des Rechtsextremismus und der Hasskriminalität, BGBI. I 2021, Nr. 13, 441–447 (March 30, 2021).

  67. 67.

    Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung, Der Deutsche Bundestag und seine Akteure (December 13, 2019), https://www.bpb.de/izpb/301690/der-deutsche-bundestag-und-seine-akteure.

  68. 68.

    It seems that there was no parliamentary debate on the motion Sächsischer Landtag, Antwort der Landesregierung auf den Antrag der Fraktion Die Linke, 7/3817 (2020).

  69. 69.

    Governed by the CDU (“Christian Democratic Union of Germany”, Center right) and Die Grünen.

  70. 70.

    Hessischer Landtag, Antrag der Fraktion Die Linke, Doc. 20/2570 (2020).

  71. 71.

    17 femi(ni)cides were documented in this region during 2018 (AK Feministische Geographien 2021, Femi(ni)zide in Hessen 2018, https://storymaps.arcgis.com/stories/d5f0ca7d7436478a8883a00993b183e2#ref-n-a7L06R.

  72. 72.

    Hessischer Landtag, Prävention und Bekämpfung von Frauenmorden, Plenary session 46, 20/46 (2020), at 3552. The original slogan, belonging to the Mexican poet and activist Susana Chávez Castillo, is “Ni una menos, ni una muerta más” (Not one less, not one more woman dead). Minutouno (2015).

  73. 73.

    “Social Democratic Party” (Centre-left).

  74. 74.

    “Free Democratic Party” (Center to center-right).

  75. 75.

    Hessischer Landtag (2020), at 3554.

  76. 76.

    The failure to decrease the number of femi(ni)cides in countries that have criminalized femi(ni)cide in their penal code seems to support the argument that criminalizing is not the solution. Although this argument is partially true, it does not take into consideration the level of impunity in the judicial system in most of the countries referred to, which makes it more difficult to effectively implement these penalties. Furthermore, it shadows the symbolic aspect that many feminists in Latin America have mentioned regarding the value of the legal category of femi(ni)cide. Feminists in Latin America are not so naïve as to believe that criminalization of femi(ni)cide alone will solve the problem.

  77. 77.

    “Alternative for Germany” (Right-nationalist).

  78. 78.

    Hessischer Landtag (2020), at 3560-1. The Social and Integration Policy Committee recommended that the motion be dismissed by the Assembly in August 2020.

  79. 79.

    Die Linke, Antrag: Femizide in Deutschland untersuchen, benennen und verhindern, Doc. 19/23999 (2020).

  80. 80.

    Deutscher Bundestag, Femizide in Deutschland untersuchen, benennen und verhindern, Plenary session, 19/192 (2020), at 24298.

  81. 81.

    “Christian Social Union in Bavaria” (Centre-right).

  82. 82.

    See e.g., Lembke and Frommel (2009). “Racialization” refers here to the processes by which racial meanings are attributed to social problems and are used as key factors to define and understand such problems. See further Murji and Solomos (2005).

  83. 83.

    For research backing up these assertions, see e.g., Radford and Russell (1992), pp. 10–11.

  84. 84.

    Deutscher Bundestag (2020), at 24300.

  85. 85.

    Deutscher Bundestag (2020), at 24300.

  86. 86.

    See, e.g., Dolphijn and van der Tuin (2012).

  87. 87.

    See e.g., Mignolo (2005); Mendoza (2016); Santos (2016).

  88. 88.

    The motion was dismissed in June 2021 (Deutscher Bundestag, Beschlussempfehlung und Bericht, Doc. 19/30480, 2021).

  89. 89.

    Bundestag (2021).

  90. 90.

    The list of criticisms of modern thought is extensive. See, e.g., Dolphijn and van der Tuin (2012); Mendoza (2016), Santos (2016).

  91. 91.

    A similar critical approach is followed by Verdu in this volume. “Working through”, “traversing”, or “pushing dualism to an extreme” is a methodology developed by new materialism whose purpose is to find a way to move beyond the dualisms from modernity; see further Dolphijn and van der Tuin (2012).

  92. 92.

    See Lembke and Frommel (2009); DJB (2021); BIK (2021).

  93. 93.

    See Montoya and Rolandsen Agustín (2013).

  94. 94.

    Lembke and Frommel (2009) analyze this phenomenon in the law, although they do not use the concept of femi(ni)cide. Femi(ni)cide, as I have addressed in this paper, is not legally recognized in Germany, so there are no sentences for femi(ni)cides in the country.

  95. 95.

    For a broader description between Die Linke and the AfD see Olsen (2018).

  96. 96.

    Hessischer Landtag (2020), at 3551.

  97. 97.

    For a study on German media framing of femi(ni)cide, see Beeck (2021).

  98. 98.

    See Dyroff et al. (2020).

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  1. University of Turku, Faculty of Law, Turku, Finland

    Aleida Luján Pinelo

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    Marko Davinić

  2. University of Belgrade, Belgrade, Serbia

    Svetislav Kostić

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Luján Pinelo, A. (2022). On Extreme Forms of Violence Against Women in Europe: Does Femi(ni)cide Exist in Germany?. In: Davinić, M., Kostić, S. (eds) Gender Competent Public Law and Policies. Gender Perspectives in Law, vol 2. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-14706-7_6

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