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Punishment and Communication in the Post-Truth Society

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Crisis of the Criminal Law in the Democratic Constitutional State

Abstract

In opposition to the theory of punishment, with its subtle differences and communication purposes, there exists a reality which is radically divergent. There, the so-called general prevention frequently does not take place, because court decisions do not become general, although it is the general public that it invokes as the basis of punishment. Even so, when this communication occurs, it takes place within a disquieting discursive frame which increasingly defines our time: the era of post-truth. What appears is a communicational context hostile to expert discourse and the facts, displaced in their assessment, where the speakers lose touch with the model of the rational citizen, the theoretical basis of law, and where political actors develop propaganda strategies of communication so that, sometimes, the final message is absolutely opposed to what the court decision expresses literally.

This paper has been prepared within the framework of the projects: “Derecho Penal y Comportamiento Humano (Criminal Law and Human Behavior)” (MICINN, RTI2018-097838-B-I00), IP: Eduardo Demetrio Crespo; “Crisis del Derecho penal del Estado de Derecho. Manifestaciones y Tendencias (Crisis of Criminal Law in the Rule of Law. Manifestations and Trends)” SBPLY/17/180501/000223 (IP: Eduardo Demetrio Crespo, Alfonso Jaime García Figueroa and Gema Marcilla Córdoba) “Proyecto Nexo: DER2017-86204-R (Nexus Project: DER2017-86204-R)”, IP: Fernando Miró Llinares.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    On the difficulty of these distinctions, in practice Bachmann and Goeck (2013), p. 50.

  2. 2.

    In relation to the jurisprudence, recently Warner et al. (2019), pp. 26 ff., 40, pointing out: “Interviews with… judges show that some judges admit that ‘general deterrence is a fiction’ and that they use it, despite doubting its efficacy.”

  3. 3.

    Also see Hassemer (2012), p. 197; Hörnle and von Hirsch (2005), pp. 20 ff. In general, Greco (2010), pp. 18 ff. With further references Goeckenjan (2015), p. 203, pointing out how the counterfactual construction of the hypotheses immunizes them against any falsification and verification. In a different sense Pawlik (2012), p. 50: “In essence, Roxin is content either to appeal expressly to the equally preordained feelings of justice of her readers, or more subtly, to rely on the intuitive plausibility of her assessments.” Otherwise, for more detail Demetrio Crespo (2016), pp. 36 ff., 105 ff.

  4. 4.

    On the same terms PAA of Madrid 486/2019, decision of 20 of June, third law basis.

  5. 5.

    See https://www.google.com/search?client=firefox-b-d&q=Auto+Audiencia+Provincial+Madrid+518%2F2019%2C+de+28+de+junio.

  6. 6.

    More recently BVerfG 2 BvE 7/11, decision of 2 June 2015, 105 f. Critically, Pawlik (2014), pp. 384 f.: “This literally means: the illegitimacy of everything from Roman law to the Prussian CC of 1851.”

  7. 7.

    Illustrative Warner et al. (2019), pp. 26 ff., 34, concluding, on p. 39, that “General deterrence was the most popular purpose for judges, but the least popular for jurors,” pointing out, as well, on p. 41, the “possibility that judges, who impose the pain of punishment on their fellow citizens as part of their daily business in the courts, may feel a need to believe that there is some compensating tangible benefit behind the system of imposing hard treatment on those who commit crimes. The continued judicial exposure to the burdensome consequences of criminal punishment may account for the differences between the judges’ views and those of the jurors, who experience only temporary and limited exposure to this harsh aspect of the criminal justice system”; in the latter sense, on cognitive bias, generally McIntyre (2018), pp. 64 ff., 69 ff.

  8. 8.

    Recently PAA of Salamanca 231/2019, decision of 30 July, second law basis. In the same terms, and among others, PAA of Salamanca 191/2019, decision 21 of June, second law basis; PAA of Guadalajara 249/2018, decision of 24 September, second law basis; PAA Guipúzcoa 482/2018, decision 13 of July, second law basis; PAA Salamanca 488/2017, decision 29 of December, second law basis; PAA of Valladolid 144/2012, decision of 27 of March, single legal basis, all of them with further references.

  9. 9.

    PAA of Salamanca 231/2019, decision of 30 July, second law basis.

  10. 10.

    Sentenced later in SCR 344/2019, decision of 4 of July, as perpetrators of a continuing crime of rape, to 15 years’ imprisonment, prohibition of approaching the complainant for 20 years and 8 years’ probation, as well as, to one of them, to 2 years’ imprisonment as perpetrator of a crime of robbery with intimidation.

  11. 11.

    Private vote, second law basis: “shows little impulse control, prioritizes its needs by acting in order to cover them up and without taking into account established social rules,” “histrionic and borderline (Cluster B) and dependent and anxious (Cluster C) personality traits,” assessments not contested by the forensic experts, who did not evaluate the questionnaire in question, the so-called “Salamanca Questionnaire,” also pointing out “the fact that the Self-Control Scale is, among all those evaluated, the one that has conspicuously obtained the lowest score … that … ʻshe evidences little control by her superego. She is governed by an alternate and personalized system, giving emphasis to her impulses and needs; she does not let herself be carried away by the rules established by society’”, as well as the results of the “Symptom Simulation Inventory,” which point out that “the evaluated woman reports atypical symptoms of depression and anxiety which would suggest the magnification of this type of symptomatology.”

  12. 12.

    Private vote, second law basis.

  13. 13.

    Private vote, second law basis.

  14. 14.

    SCR 678/2018, decision of 20 of December, fifth law basis, with subsequent references.

  15. 15.

    https://elpais.com/sociedad/2018/10/09/actualidad/1539114993_820161.html; although the existence of different hashtags makes it difficult to assess the overall impact on the networks, being related: #YoSiTeCreo, #LaManada, #yosítecreo, #NoEsAbusoEsViolacion, #hermanayositecreo, #Cuéntalo, #NoesNo, #JusticiaPatriarcal, moreover, illustrative Larrondo et al. (2019), p. 211; Orbegozo et al. (2019), pp. 217 ff.

  16. 16.

    https://elpais.com/sociedad/2018/10/09/actualidad/1539114993_820161.html. Besides that, about its scope, see https://www.nytimes.com/2018/06/21/world/europe/spain-pamplona-sexualassault.html; https://twitter.com/nytimes/status/989764593403621376?lang=es; https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-43915551; https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/apr/23/wolf-pack-case-spain-feminism-far-right-vox. Recently, also in German doctrine, alluding to the shocking “gang rape that occurred in Pamplona, Spain, in 2016,” Hörnle (2019), p. 153.

  17. 17.

    https://elpais.com/sociedad/2018/10/09/actualidad/1539114993_820161.html.

  18. 18.

    https://www.trendencias.com/feminismo/hermana-yo-te-creo-asi-reaccionan-las-redes-sociales-al-veredicto-del-juicio-de-la-manada. For the rest, among others https://twitter.com/PabloIglesias/status/1142062455914455042; https://twitter.com/sanchezcastejon/status/1142073628919570432?lang=es; https://twitter.com/irenemontero/status/1142059504982474752; https://twitter.com/hashtag/yos%C3%ADtecreo.

  19. 19.

    https://www.eldiario.es/politica/Unidas-Podemos-sentencia-Manada-feminismo_0_912359477.html.

  20. 20.

    https://www.eldiario.es/politica/Unidas-Podemos-sentencia-Manada-feminismo_0_912359477.html.

  21. 21.

    https://www.infolibre.es/noticias/politica/2019/06/21/garzon_sanchez_errejon_apoyan_decision_condenar_los_miembros_manada_por_delito_violacion_96265_1012.html.

  22. 22.

    https://elpais.com/sociedad/2018/10/09/actualidad/1539114993_820161.html; although the existence of different hashtags makes it difficult to assess the overall impact on the networks, being related: #YoSiTeCreo, #LaManada, #yosítecreo, #NoEsAbusoEsViolacion, #hermanayositecreo, #Cuéntalo, #NoesNo, #JusticiaPatriarcal, moreover, illustrative Larrondo et al. (2019), p. 211; Orbegozo et al. (2019), pp. 217 ff.

  23. 23.

    https://twitter.com/gabrielrufian/status/989487329738940416.

  24. 24.

    https://www.instagram.com/p/BiC49I2FOJF/?utm_source=ig_embed.

  25. 25.

    https://twitter.com/emparmoliner/status/1009837643159531524.

  26. 26.

    https://www.instagram.com/silvia__alonso/, en https://www.trendencias.com/feminismo/hermana-yo-te-creo-asi-reaccionan-las-redes-sociales-al-veredicto-del-juicio-de-la-manada.

  27. 27.

    Gil and Nuñez Fernández (2018).

  28. 28.

    Gil and Nuñez Fernández (2018).

  29. 29.

    https://cadenaser.com/programa/2018/06/21/hora_25/1529603890_931407.html.

  30. 30.

    https://twitter.com/VeroBoquete/status/989522873864806401. Besides that, Iyengar and Massey (2019), pp. 7656 ff., 7659; van der Bles et al. (2020), p. 7672, with subsequent references.

  31. 31.

    Larrondo et al. (2019), pp. 218 f., pointing out, however, “Twitter makes it possible to democratize the feminist struggle by extending and normalizing it, hence some authors recommend its consideration as a useful discursive and rhetorical platform.” In general, McIntyre (2018), pp. 45 ff.; particularly in relation to the tobacco industry’s communication strategy, 49 ff.; on climate change, 54 et seq.; besides that, illustrative https://twitter.com/vox_es/status/1201482571571437569: “VOX rejects the exaggerated and unfounded alarmism about #ClimateChange of the globalist elites that demonizes our fishing, livestock and industrial sectors”; in relation to terrorism Innes (2020), pp. 284 ff.

  32. 32.

    https://navarra.elespanol.com/articulo/tribunales/actriz-hollywood-manada-redes-sociales/20180427194104185741.html.

  33. 33.

    https://www.eldiario.es/politica/Iglesias-reservas-tecnicas-machista-frustrado_0_1001950693.html. However, relating the distinction between sexual abuse and sexual assault to “revictimization or secondary victimization,” without further justification, see Exposición de Motivos III, Anteproyecto de Ley Orgánica de Garantía Integral de la Libertad Sexual, http://www.igualdad.gob.es/Documents/APLOGarantia%20de%20la%20Libertad%20Sexual.pdf.

  34. 34.

    McIntyre (2018), p. 34; Innes (2020), pp. 284 ff.; expressly, in general, Errejón (2011), p. 132: “It was not, of course, ʻdecir the truth’ about the crisis and its management. It was a matter of situating the political dispute on more advantageous ground for the challenge to the existing order and its elites.”

  35. 35.

    Illustrative in Gil and Nuñez Fernández (2018). Technical complexity which, moreover, does not significantly affect confidence indices, cfr. van der Bles et al. (2020), pp. 7672 ff., 7679 ff.

  36. 36.

    Klatt (2005), pp. 345 f., 362, 366; Klatt (2004), pp. 19 ff. In our doctrine, recently also Muñoz Conde (2019), pp. 290 ff.

  37. 37.

    https://navarra.elespanol.com/articulo/tribunales/actriz-hollywood-manada-redes-sociales/20180427194104185741.html.

  38. 38.

    In relation to the recent SCJR Madrid 86/2020, decision of 10 of March, also illustrative https://twitter.com/IreneMontero/status/1252913686072766467.

  39. 39.

    About social networks, understood as “explanatory and generating frameworks of the reality that surrounds us,” Orbegozo et al. (2019), p. 213, with further references.

  40. 40.

    McIntyre (2018), pp. 63 ff.; on “source amnesia,” the “repetition effect” 69 ff.; Innes (2020), pp. 284 ff.; Iyengar and Massey (2019), pp. 7658 f., regarding the crime/immigration correlation, p. 7659.

  41. 41.

    McIntyre (2018), p. 66, pointing out, however, the existence of emotional turning points, pp. 167 ff.; in this sense, also Innes (2020), pp. 296 f.: “social media is better at coordinating and channeling people’s opinions, than changing them,” with further references.

  42. 42.

    Westen et al. (2006), ff. 1947 ff., concluding: “that motivated reasoning is qualitatively distinct from reasoning when people do not have a strong emotional stake in the conclusions reached,” linking motivated reasoning “with activations of the ventromedial prefrontal cortex, anterior cingulate cortex, posterior cingulate cortex, insular cortex, and lateral orbital cortex”; besides, on the “ counterproductive effect,” that is, when the evidence of falsehood instead of distancing us from the error, clings us to it even more, McIntyre (2018), pp. 72 ff., on the “Dunning-Kruger effect,” 74 ff.

  43. 43.

    McIntyre (2018), pp. 92 f., 106; more recently, in relation to COVID-19 see https://www.elconfidencial.com/mundo/europa/2020-04-05/coronavirus-covid-trump-pandemia_2532600/: “Only 38 percent of Fox News viewers were concerned about the virus... far below those who watch another channel (68 percent) or read newspapers (72 percent) … even though half of Fox’s audience is over 50. In other words, an audience more prone to suffer from the coronavirus.” Besides, illustrative Iyengar and Massey (2019), pp. 7656 ff., 7657: “PolitiFact rates 59% of Fox’s assertions as mostly or all false,” also pointing out: “the figure for CNN is 27%”; in relation to the Iraq war, see p. 7659.

  44. 44.

    Iyengar and Massey (2019), p. 7657; Innes (2020), p. 285.

  45. 45.

    McIntyre (2018), pp. 111 f., 124. In general, Vosoughi et al. (2018), pp. 1146 ff., concluding: “Falsehood diffused significantly farther, faster, deeper, and more broadly than the truth in all categories of information”; Lazer et al. (2018), p. 1095; Iyengar and Massey (2019), pp. 7657 f.; Innes (2020), pp. 288 ff., 293. Besides, illustrative Muñoz-Machado (2020), p. 124.

  46. 46.

    Orbegozo et al. (2019), pp. 220 f., with further references; on the correlation between the two Innes (2020), pp. 290 f.

  47. 47.

    https://www.instagram.com/silvia__alonso/, in https://www.trendencias.com/feminismo/hermana-yo-te-creo-asi-reaccionan-las-redes-sociales-al-veredicto-del-juicio-de-la-manada.

  48. 48.

    https://twitter.com/ChristianG_7/status/989576801499394048.

  49. 49.

    https://twitter.com/IreneMontero/status/1252913686072766467.

  50. 50.

    https://twitter.com/gabrielrufian/status/989487329738940416.

  51. 51.

    https://www.instagram.com/p/BiC49I2FOJF/?utm_source=ig_embed.

  52. 52.

    https://twitter.com/emparmoliner/status/1009837643159531524.

  53. 53.

    https://twitter.com/jordievole/status/989527633418387461.

  54. 54.

    https://twitter.com/lavecinarubia/status/989494568512081920.

  55. 55.

    https://www.instagram.com/goicoechea22/, in https://www.trendencias.com/feminismo/hermana-yo-te-creo-asi-reaccionan-las-redes-sociales-al-veredicto-del-juicio-de-la-manada.

  56. 56.

    https://www.instagram.com/p/BiCdwZ1hWvV/?utm_source=ig_embed.

  57. 57.

    https://twitter.com/TeresaRodr_/status/990150046447558656; besides, in general, Errejón (2011), p. 127; Orbegozo et al. (2019), p. 241.

  58. 58.

    McIntyre (2018), pp. 127 f.; more specifically Innes (2020), pp. 292 ff.; particularly also see Antwort der Bundesregierung of 7 of February of 2020, Drucksache 19/16552–19/17073, 1 ff.

  59. 59.

    https://www.facebook.com/Infobae/posts/la-manada-son-8-3-jueces-y-5-violadoresmiles-de-mujeres-se-movilizaron-el-vierne/10156108320306971/.

  60. 60.

    https://twitter.com/Lurquizu/status/989639983496683521.

  61. 61.

    Illustrative Stanley in: https://www.wbur.org/hereandnow/2017/02/15/how-propaganda-works-fake-news, on the situation of dialogue, also Larrondo et al. (2019), p. 217, questioning “to what extent feminisms should encourage this path of the striking resource that seeks engagement and viralization, leaving in the background the space for dialogue aimed at deliberation on the strategic evolution of the movement,” pointing out as well “the most politicized actors appear to be linked to a greater capacity for dialogue or participation in the digital debate, based on more active attitudes and greater listening among users, as well as between users and political leaders, mostly on the left.” Besides that, see Orbegozo et al. (2019), pp. 211 ff., pointing out how “feminists still have many alliances to explore,” noting on p. 240, the role of “transformative social movements: Spanish republicanism, users who share the narrative of the so-called ‘movements of indignation’ that emerged in Spain years ago, communist formations and users, and even interrelated groups and individuals who stand out for defending Catalan independence.” What, in his opinion, points to the fact that “the alliances that are erected have a structural character and a clear vocation to build the antagonism to the liberal rule of law that, in this case, embodies the judicial-social power.”

  62. 62.

    https://cronicaglobal.elespanol.com/en-voz-baja/torra-espana-roba-mata_314726_102.html; otherwise, illustrative Errejón (2011), p. 127, pointing to “the stamp of the ʻpopulism’ as a form of constituting the political, through the dichotomization and simplification of society in a conflictive process of interpretation... What is interesting for the perspective of discourse analysis and hegemony is to understand the category of people as... an exercise in identity construction marked by tension toward... a part of the political community... The political meaning of such a nomination will always depend, to a large extent, on an otherness -a ‘people’ [or caste, subsection added]- in order to raise and reinforce its own contours.”

  63. 63.

    Antwort der Bundesregierung of 7 of February of 2020, Drucksache 19/16552–19/17073, 2; in general, also Innes (2020), pp. 294 ff., 297. Besides cfr. McIntyre (2018), pp. 39 ff., 67 ff.; also https://euvsdisinfo.eu/disinformation-cases/?text=catalonia&date=&offset=0.

  64. 64.

    Antwort der Bundesregierung of 27 of August 2020, Drucksache 19/21259–19/21891, 1 ff., 6.

  65. 65.

    Lazer et al. (2018), p. 1095, pointing out also the necessary intervention of social networks, 1095 et seq.; after the latter Muñoz-Machado (2020), pp. 129 ff.

  66. 66.

    Vosoughi et al. (2018), p. 1150: “false news spreads farther, faster, deeper, and more broadly than the truth because humans, not robots, are more likely to spread it,” also pointing out “false rumors inspired replies expressing greater surprise…, and greater disgust…, whereas the truth inspired replies that expressed greater sadness…, anticipation …, joy …, and trust … . The emotions expressed in reply to falsehoods may illuminate additional factors, beyond novelty, that inspire people to share false news.”

  67. 67.

    In general, see Iyengar and Massey (2019), p. 7660; on the trust/complexity correlation van der Bles et al. (2020), pp. 7672 ff., 7679 ff.; in relation to public institutions, Antwort der Bundesregierung of 7 of February 2020, Drucksache 19/16552–19/17073, 6 f.

  68. 68.

    Illustrative BVerfG, 2 BvR 2025/12 decision of 10 October 2012, 3, with further references.

  69. 69.

    On the National Academy of Sciences’ report on the fiscal and economic impact of immigration, cfr. Iyengar and Massey (2019), p. 7659; likewise, see Innes (2020), pp. 291, 294 ff.; Muñoz-Machado (2020), p. 133. In relation to crime figures, also McIntyre (2018), p. 60, n. 38.

  70. 70.

    Antwort der Bundesregierung de of 7 of February 2020, Drucksache 19/16552–19/17073, 1 ff.; Innes (2020), pp. 294 ff., 297; Illustrative, also: “The logical answer from Europe to the Catalonia referendum would have been: recognize the independence of Catalonia and bomb Madrid,” in: https://euvsdisinfo.eu/report/the-logical-answer-from-europe-to-the-catalonia-referendum-would-have-been-recognize-the-independence-of-catalonia-and-bomb-madrid/.

  71. 71.

    Lazer et al. (2018), p. 1096; in relation to communication technique, also van der Bles et al. (2020), pp. 7672 ff., 7680, concluding “natural scientists, statisticians, and social scientists should work together to evaluate how to best present scientific uncertainty in an open and transparent manner,” together with “by a common interest in how to effectively communicate the truth in a so-called posttruth world.”

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Correspondence to Fernando Guanarteme Sánchez Lázaro .

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  • Antwort der Bundesregierung auf die Kleine Anfrage der Abgeordneten Benjamin Strasser, Stephan Thomae, Grigorios Aggelidis, weiterer Abgeordneter und der Fraktion der FDP—Drucksache 19/16552—Desinformationskampagnen—Erkenntnisse und Maßnahmen der Bundesregierung, 19/17073, of 7.2.2020, 1-8.

  • Antwort der Bundesregierung auf die Kleine Anfrage der Abgeordneten Andrej Hunko, Heike Hänsel, Michel Brandt, weiterer Abgeordneter und der Fraktion DIE LINKE—Drucksache 19/21259—EU-Maβnahmen zu „strategischer Kommunikation‟ und „Desinformation‟ im Zusammenhang mit COVID-19, 19/21891, of 27.8.2020, 1-9.

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Sánchez Lázaro, F.G. (2023). Punishment and Communication in the Post-Truth Society. In: Demetrio Crespo, E., García Figueroa, A., Marcilla Córdoba, G. (eds) Crisis of the Criminal Law in the Democratic Constitutional State. Legal Studies in International, European and Comparative Criminal Law, vol 6. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-13413-5_10

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