Abstract
In June 2020, the @assaultpolice Instagram account was founded in Egypt to provide a forum for the growing number of sexual harassment accusations leveled against university student, Ahmed Bassam Zaky, and call for an investigation into a 2014 gang-rape incident at the Fairmont Hotel. Egyptian and international media hailed this as advancing #MeToo in Egypt. In June 2020, American University in Cairo (AUC) student, Nadeen Ashraf, created the @assaultpolice Instagram account to provide a forum for the growing number of sexual harassment accusations leveled against university student Ahmed Bassam Zaky and to call for an investigation into a 2014 Fairmont Hotel gang-rape incident. Media hailed @assaultpolice’s work as advancing #MeToo in Egypt. Yet, the work of @assaultpolice’s online activists was made possible by earlier activism. As with #MeToo activism, earlier activists used social media and crowdmapping to provide alternative spaces of testimony. Unlike the current #MeToo activism, they were able to exploit digital media to mobilize volunteers in on-the-ground campaigns and push out new conceptual frames of gendered norms and sexual violence. Since 2014, the state has sought to coopt the movement, leading to its subsequent demobilization. This chapter examines the history of digital activism to combat sexual harassment in Egypt and argues that #MeToo activism is comparatively limited in scope and constrained by the state’s forced demobilization of the movement, although social media remains the last space and tool for activists to address the sexual harassment problem.
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Notes
- 1.
Interview, GIZ Project Manager and coordinator of the Network of Women’s Rights Organizations in Egypt, June 2019.
- 2.
Activist names are withheld to protect their safety. In some cases, activists have requested full anonymity, including not using former titles. I have retained the use of ECWR’s director’s name as she is a public figure, having briefly served as former Secretary-General to the reconstituted National Council for Women under the interim government in 2012 (https://ecwronline.org/?page_id=8663).
- 3.
Interview, HarassMap co-founder, January 2014; Personal conversation, HarassMap co-founder, October 2021.
- 4.
These two former ECWR staff members brought on two colleagues to join them in founding HarassMap.
- 5.
There are no published analyses on the class dimensions of Egyptian anti-sexual harassment activism. Based on my participant observation data, HarassMap had outreach teams formed by residents of various neighborhoods that loosely reference upper, middle, or lower class, from elite Zamalek to the ‘ashwai’yaat (slums) of Manshiyet Nasr. They had teams across major urban cities and smaller, rural towns—one of their more active captains, whom I spoke with at multiple trainings, was a middle-aged woman from the conservative, Upper Egyptian, rural town of Sohag.
- 6.
There has been wide belief that Tahrir sexual violence was perpetrated by state-hired baltigiyya, or thugs (Amar, 2011; Langohr, 2013), but a Nazra program director countered this, noting, “Everyone was saying it’s the MB [Muslim Brotherhood] and it’s politically commissioned. No, I’m sorry, from what we’ve seen it’s not politically commissioned. It’s the average man on the street and it is a cultural epidemic and it’s been getting worse because of the constant state of impunity…” (Interview, February 2014).
- 7.
Interview, HarassMap Director Marketing and Communications, April 2014.
- 8.
Interview, Ded el-Taharrush co-founder, April 2014.
- 9.
“Salahha fi dimaghak” was a collaborative effort by HarassMap, Tahrir Bodyguard, OpAntiSH, Nazra for Feminist Studies, and the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR).
- 10.
Interview, HarassMap Director of Community Outreach, October 2015.
- 11.
Interview, Bassma co-founder, February 2014.
- 12.
Interview, Bassma co-founder, March 2019.
- 13.
Interview, HarassMap Director of Community Outreach, October 2015.
- 14.
Interview, Ded el-Taharrush co-founder, March 2019.
- 15.
Interview, HarassMap Director of Community Outreach, October 2015.
- 16.
Interview, Hoda El-Sadda, August 2019.
- 17.
Interview, HarassMap Safe Areas Operations Manager, April 2014.
- 18.
See Yefet and Lavie (2021) on legitimation strategies in authoritarian regimes.
- 19.
Personal communication, HarassMap staff member, February 2022. This staff member noted that the model promoted by NCW and its UNFPA partner involved a conceptual shift away from “anti-sexual harassment” to the broader “anti-violence against women (VAW),” highlighting the NCW’s effort to minimize attention on sexual harassment and absorb it as one element of a larger VAW effort.
- 20.
Interview, Hoda El-Sadda, August 2019.
- 21.
HarassMap was an exception. They continued to work until June 2020, when they finally canceled their NGO registration.
- 22.
There are important and complex class dimensions with respect to the Fairmont case—according to one report, the multiple individuals involved hailed from families who “wield pervasive influence within the Egyptian state administrations, and reaches those most sheltered in the pillars of the ruling system, both politically and economically” (El Ammar, 2020). However, Zaki’s wealthy, upper-class status did not afford him the same protections as perpetrators in the Fairmont case.
- 23.
Halley et al. (2006) define governance feminism as the “installation of feminists and feminist ideas in actual legal-institutional power,” referring to the way in which feminists working inside political institutions have helped to produce policy and practice.
- 24.
Interview, HarassMap co-founder, March 2012.
- 25.
Interview, HarassMap co-founder, March 2012.
- 26.
See Abdelmonem (2015) for discussion on taharrush, muakasa, and ightasab in Egyptian anti-sexual harassment activism.
- 27.
Though HarassMap shut down in 2020, their crowdmap remains open. Between 2010 and today, their map has received less than 2000 reports. Nine of those were submitted between January and December 2021. No hard numbers are available for reports submitted to any initiative via social media.
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Abdelmonem, A. (2023). Egypt’s #MeToo in the Shadow of Revolution: Digital Activism and the Demobilization of the Sexual Harassment Movement. In: Skalli, L.H., Eltantawy, N. (eds) The Palgrave Handbook of Gender, Media and Communication in the Middle East and North Africa. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11980-4_11
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