Abstract
Ernest Gellner held the Ottoman Empire and Turkey to be a special case; that it was an exception to other Islamic countries and to liberal democracies. This chapter re-visits his writings on the both and examines the insights and the weaknesses of his diagnosis. Furthermore, it reflects on how Gellner’s writings have been received by Turkish scholarship and what impact these had on Turkish historiography and social science. The endeavour is to help us see the relevance of Gellner’s sociological models of the state and society in relation to the Turkish case.
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Notes
- 1.
Later published as chapter 3 in his book Muslim society (1981).
- 2.
His Nations and nationalism book was translated in 1992 and had many reprints, and his Encounters with nationalism also had six reprints from 1998 until 2016, according to the major publishing house İletişim’s webpage.
- 3.
Shils 1961, which had been published in a Festschrift for Michael Polanyi on his seventieth birthday.
- 4.
This did not happen so quickly; as the recent work by Atçıl (2018) shows, the Ottoman rulers took time to integrate the religious scholars into the administrative and justice system and how the religious scholars resisted being incorporated into the Ottoman administration for some decades.
- 5.
See especially his work on Said Nursi (Mardin 1989).
- 6.
- 7.
- 8.
This is a point developed also in Meeker’s work, whom Chris Hann (2003) points to in his working paper, emphasizing Meeker’s originality in focusing on state-society continuum from the grassroots. Meeker had been a close follower of Mardin’s writings.
- 9.
For an excellent and nuanced discussion of the marriage of Islam and Turkish nationalism of various kinds, see Bora 2003.
- 10.
According to Mardin and many other political sociologists and historians, the change started already in the mid-1940s with the introduction of the multi-party system.
- 11.
The movement was enhanced with the political developments in the Kurdish region of north Iraq and more recently in northeast Syria, where Kurdish populations have been encouraged to strive for autonomy with the support of the United States.
- 12.
This is not a cynical comment. The integration meant here is in a general macro conceptual sense and its use could be justified by the fact that, despite the many decades of the Kurdish nationalist movement, Kurds on the whole still prefer to be within the Turkish polity, even if the militants continue fighting the Turkish army (which includes Kurdish conscripts as well). In the last decades the Kurdish fighters (with PKK leadership) changed their political cause from fighting for an independent Kurdistan to a rather ambivalent concept of what they call ‘federal democratic republic of Turkey’. The PKK (Kurdistan Workers’ Party) is a clandestine, militant, and armed organization of Kurds, which was formed and led by Abdullah Öcalan, who is in jail since 1999.
- 13.
- 14.
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Comment on Lale Yalçın-Heckmann’s ‘Re-visiting Gellner’s Social Theory in Reference to the Turkish Case’
Comment on Lale Yalçın-Heckmann’s ‘Re-visiting Gellner’s Social Theory in Reference to the Turkish Case’
David Shankland david.shankland@therai.org.uk
Royal Anthropological Institute, London, UK
I have read Lale Yalçın-Heckmann’s piece with great interest. The comparison there between Gellner and Mardin (1927–2017) is very well made. The two scholars were of similar age, Mardin being only two years younger. They knew each other’s work well, and were friends, albeit at a time in that pre-Internet age when it was much more difficult to meet up with overseas colleagues frequently. Nevertheless, the respect that they had for each other was palpable, and it is quite right to note that Mardin was one of those whom Gellner would have met and discussed his ideas concerning Muslim society.
It is also a telling comparison, because it highlights one of the fascinating things about working in the social sciences, which might be termed, for the sake of our discussion, the counter-factual assertion masquerading as a legitimate (from the intellectual point of view) position. Mardin’s work in highlighting the importance of centre-periphery in Turkish Studies, as Yalçın-Heckmann writes, was widely criticized in the 1980s, and the impact of that criticism was very significant in shaping Turkish social sciences in subsequent decades. Yet, was Mardin wrong? The simple answer is, of course not. The tension between the centre and the periphery in Turkish society is profound and pervasive; one can argue about the fine details and nuances of his position, but the contrast between the central state (devlet) and wider society is a key to appreciating the motivations and orientation of persons throughout Turkey, whether in terms of their seeking to improve their social position or to obtain favours or remuneration, the way that they pursue politics, or indeed organize their society and create their identity, religious or otherwise. As I say, one can argue about the details (Gellner himself felt that the move to Ankara from Istanbul had not been particularly successful in transferring the pull of the capital away from the former imperial centre), but to deny its importance as a key trope is akin to (as indeed did begin to emerge in the following decade) arguing that the Ottoman Empire did not really decline.
Turning back to Gellner’s analysis on Turkey, perhaps what is underestimated above all (but not by Gellner), is the importance of religion as an independent variable. Another way of appreciating this point is as follows: Gellner appreciated that there are many different forms of religious belief in the world, but he did not hold for one moment that they are all the same. On the contrary, he felt that there was an absolutely fundamental difference between those who pursue a particular course of action through a set of cultural or symbolic actions (rather as, for instance, came to be characteristic of the Anglican church in the twentieth century, as Gellner himself was fond of remarking) and those who actually believe that as a consequence of their actions they will be judged in the afterlife, and damned to hell or blessed with salvation. Belief, in this sense, can become the important thing in the world for those who uphold it, a factor that shapes their motivations, political and otherwise, in a way that simply cannot be comprehended if one assumes that all beliefs are the same. Mardin was equally aware of this, as the opening chapter of his biography of Nursi (to which Yalçın-Heckmann refers) makes very clear. In this sense, Gellner felt that the republican project had failed; it simply had not managed to create a sustainable body politic that it could persuade to allow religion to be internalized and made an individual rather than a state responsibility.
In the second part of her chapter, Yalçın-Heckmann refers to her own work amongst the Kurds, as well as that of Van Bruinessen. This I found equally intriguing, for I have long felt that Van Bruinessen’s writings offer equally strong support for Gellner’s insistence on tribal ‘penumbra’. Gellner’s analysis here, as so often, is a remarkably quick-witted and perceptive assessment of the empirical situation; perforce, we return to the point that it is surely healthy that there should be multiple and varied approaches in the social sciences, and equally that we do not feel bound to the views of those who have come before us. However, to assert that what they wrote is incorrect simply in order to be able to assert a contrary position is just that: an assertion, not a reasoned discussion.
In the end, though, through our analysis of Turkey, do we find much to support Gellner’s position? The answer is certainly: the groundswell of support for the AKP who are now in power, and have been for the last two decades, stemmed from many causes, but amongst the most important of these is not only the unifying force of an appeal to create a unified religious community, but also the profound sense of need, even yearning, that a very significant proportion of Sunni believers express. It is no coincidence that they came to power through the local and greater city municipalities, which were able to reassure their supporters as to the legitimate, even necessary concatenation between modernizing and fulfilling the tenets of religion. This was the message that Mardin, too, explored so frequently in his work, and it is most appropriate that the two should be read alongside one another.
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Yalçın-Heckmann, L. (2022). Re-visiting Gellner’s Social Theory in Reference to the Turkish Case. In: Skalník, P. (eds) Ernest Gellner’s Legacy and Social Theory Today. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-06805-8_17
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