Abstract
We document the religious diversity of the German principality of Hesse-Cassel in the mid-nineteenth century. Over 63% of the villages and towns were majority Protestant, and 13% were majority Catholic. Only 23% of Hessian villages and towns, however, were home to Jews, who typically made up less than 10% of the inhabitants in these places. Still, we find that Jews made up 2.6% of the principality, a larger percentage than has been estimated for Germany as a whole at this time. Our maps show the principality’s extraordinary variety in the different principal Christian denominations, the Jewish population, and minority Christian enclaves. Protestant-majority communities were spread across most districts, as were communities with any Jews. Catholic-majority communities were clustered in two districts, while Christian minorities could only be found in Protestant-majority localities. Meaningful differences in the socioeconomic characteristics of communities existed, with majority-Protestant places a bit more urban than majority-Catholic ones and places with Jews the most urban. We document the occupations of the Jewish population, finding many traders, consistent with the literature, but a surprisingly large number of farmers and fewer moneylenders than might be expected. Hessians were segregated to a large degree by religion, and this was related to various economic, social, and demographic outcomes.
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Notes
- 1.
Noted historian of Germany Mack Walker considered towns to have at least a population of 750 people (Walker 1971, pp. 27, 30). We will do the same and use the term “towns” when we refer to places with 750 or more in population and the term “villages” for places with less than 750 people. The average population for a Hessian community was 600 people (Bestand H3).
- 2.
This was the village of Rhina in the district of Hünfeld.
- 3.
The term Landgraviate is comparable to the term count, and signifies a noble with jurisdiction and sovereign rights over a large territory; it is a title used in the Holy Roman Empire.
- 4.
Maps presented in this paper show the boundaries in the 1850s. While Hesse-Cassel was technically an electorate between 1806 and 1866, we also use the term principality.
- 5.
This survey can be found at the Hessisches Staatsarchiv Marburg (HStAM), the Hessian State Archive in Marburg Germany. We refer to this survey as Bestand H3. Munter (1983), especially Appendix B, provides documentation.
- 6.
Confession is used here with the meaning of a religious denomination.
- 7.
Evidence exists that Jews had lived in villages along the Rhine River from at least the fourth century. See German Virtual History Tour (2021).
- 8.
It was not easy. Some pastors had to tread a path between the Calvinist Moritz and local Lutheran nobles.
- 9.
Some Catholics may have lived in Hesse-Cassel in 1618, but probably they were a very minor group. Theibault comments on the northeastern part of the principality, “Catholicism had more or less disappeared from the region…” (Theibault 1995, p. 65). At this time, Hessians who wanted to worship as Catholics could move (in some cases) to the Catholic enclaves under the Archbishopric of Mainz (Fritzlar, Amöneburg, Neustadt) or to the Bishopric of Fulda. Both were states of the Holy Roman Empire until 1803 and thus not a part of Hesse-Cassel in 1618. Lutherans are discussed in archival records of the district of Eschwege from the early 1600s, but there is no census data on their numbers from this time. The district bordered on Saxony, a Lutheran state, so Hessians near the border could cross over to practice in a Saxon church (Theibault 1995, pp. 65–66).
- 10.
We found one village that switched three times. Bischhausen in the district of Eschwege, became Calvinist in 1535, converted to Lutheranism in the late 1620s and again converted back to Calvinism after that. These conversions are documented in the Landgeschichtliches Informationssytem Hessen (LAGIS) (2021).
- 11.
For discussion of their methodology, see the online appendix of Botticini et al. (2019).
- 12.
To restrain the growth of its Jewish community, the Frankfurt City Council imposed marriage and immigration restrictions. These laws were certainly active in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (Soliday 1974, pp. 178–79, 196–97).
- 13.
From Table 15.1: percentage of communities with inhabitants of all three religions: 1.9% + 9.4% + 1.1% + 0.6% = 13.0%; Protestants and Catholics only: 14.5% + 5% = 19.5%; Protestants and Jews only 10.2% + 0.1% = 10.3%; Catholics and Jews only = 0.2%.
- 14.
It can be seen in Table 15.2 that of the 110 communities with more than 5% Jews, (73/110)*100 = 66% were 5–10% Jewish, (28/110)*100 = 25% were 10–20% Jewish, and only (9/110)*100 = 8% were more than 20% Jewish. We disaggregate the geographic distribution of Protestant denominations below in Fig. 15.2.
- 15.
Some data are missing because the manuscripts went missing over the decades, which is the case for the districts of Kassel and Fulda. For the same reason 16 out of the 51 villages and towns in the district of Hofgeismar are missing as well. In the case of the district of Schlüchtern, we have not finished cleaning the data for its 52 communities. In terms of how this affects the results, we believe Catholics may be undercounted, given the sizable amount of missing data in Fulda.
- 16.
Lowenstein (2005, p. 98) notes: Some “large village communities showed little segregation; five of 17 families in Schenklengsfeld, Hesse-Kassel, lived on the marketplace, and fewer than half of the Jews had immediate Jewish neighbors. . . . In towns with sparse Jewish population, Jews usually lived scattered among Christian neighbors.”
- 17.
Anabaptists began with the teachings of the Swiss Ulrich Zwingli in Switzerland in the 1520s. Today’s Mennonites, Amish, and Hutterites trace their founding back to Zwingli. The Irvingian Church, named after Edward Irving, but also called the Catholic Apostolic Church, was started in Scotland in 1831.
- 18.
The district of Kassel, for which data are missing, was most likely Evangelical Reformed as well, which would bring the number to ten districts.
- 19.
The district of Schlüchtern may have been mostly United Evangelical, making it three, but we are not sure. We will know this when we have finished cleaning data for this district.
- 20.
A uniting or united church was the result of a merger of two Protestant Christian faiths.
- 21.
Fulda is the one large Catholic town with many different Protestants. It is possible that there were Christian minorities living in the town of Fulda, given the large number of Protestants living there, but it is not mentioned in the survey.
- 22.
In addition, the former Bishopric of Fulda, the main source of Hessian Catholics in the nineteenth century, just happened to be at a higher elevation.
- 23.
Hajnal notes that the average household size in pre-industrial Europe was five persons (Hajnal 1983, p. 65).
- 24.
Soliday comments on the growing Jewish population and the need for more space in the Free City of Frankfurt in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries (Soliday 1974, pp. 175–197).
- 25.
The three majority Protestant cities in Hesse-Cassel were Homberg in the district of Homberg and Lichtenau and Grossalmerode, both in the district of Witzenhausen. Remarkably, no Jews resided in any of these three officially designated cities.
- 26.
See Bestand H3, Community Survey.
- 27.
In addition, these occupations and/or life circumstances were mentioned once and for a single community: teacher, veterinarian, brewer, lawyer, miller, restaurant/bar owner, lives from own money, lives from support of relatives, and lives from support of sons in America.
- 28.
Lowenstein (2005, pp. 132–135) provides an in-depth discussion.
- 29.
It is not clear from her work whether this counted both agricultural laborers and farmers (owners of land).
- 30.
See Botticini et al. (2019).
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Appendix: Wegge on Murray
Appendix: Wegge on Murray
Generous of heart and giving of his time and ideas, John E. Murray was truly a special person in the world of academia. For those of us in the field of economic history, he was a great listener, a careful thinker, and a fantastic role model. Scholars young and old flocked to him for professional advice and guidance on their research projects. Journal editors and other intellectual leaders sought him out for editorial board positions, referee reports, and book reviews. When I managed the economics panel for the internal grant competition at the City University of New York in 2009, John assisted me with several referee reports. Others have remarked that he was a superb colleague within his own home institutions and more widely within the economic history profession. His C.V. is a testament to the immense amount of academic service he was involved in, both at lofty and less glamourous levels.
It was a joy to work with John and to speak with him at conferences, partly because he was not only smart and gifted but also humble and approachable. He was a devout Christian, a person devoted to his family, and a person confident in his own gifts and talents. At least this is what I saw outwardly, and I like to think he had no need for more external rewards since well-researched and consummately written scholarship was the ultimate prize. Another reason I and so many other academics enjoyed being around John is that he loved learning, teaching, and writing, and always wanted to do more, whether it was in economics, religion, history, or languages, but especially in all of them at the same time. Over the very long run he found a way to improve his knowledge of math, philosophy, theology, history, and languages. He was always working on his tool kit. John was an academic’s academic, and many of us wanted to be in his orbit and absorb something from the way he looked at the world and operated in it.
In his 26 years as a professor, post-Ph.D., and according to my own counting, John published three books, at least 37 refereed journal articles, numerous other articles in other outlets, and 28 book reviews. It is an admirable record! He had a keen interest in special historical and often marginalized population groups, including the Shakers in Ohio, paupers in Early America, and orphans in Charleston. His research on the Shakers is noteworthy for several reasons. In a series of papers, many with co-authors (especially Metin Coşgel), John analyzed how a religious society that operated as a commune tackled production issues: he and his co-authors studied their production in dairying and swine and examined how they balanced their economic, religious, and cultural priorities, all in a commune. John was ahead of his time in studying the economics of religion and communes.
At the risk of being repetitive, John cared very much about great research, and his Weltanschauung was clearly interdisciplinary. Had he lived longer, I can imagine him being elected as president of the Social Science History Association (SSHA). He would be pleased at the way the Religion network at the SSHA has strengthened over the years and is now sponsoring many more sessions at the annual conference than 10 years ago.
I miss John, his friendship, his spirit, his ideas, and his contributions to academia. I hope that this volume would make him proud. I also hope that this book will bring some collective and communal solace to his colleagues, friends, and family, near and far, who miss him so dearly.
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Mammen, K., Wegge, S.A. (2022). Religion, Human Capital, and Economic Diversity in Nineteenth-Century Hesse-Cassel. In: Gray, P., Hall, J., Wallis Herndon, R., Silvestre, J. (eds) Standard of Living. Studies in Economic History. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-06477-7_15
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