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Ollae, cistulae, cadi, utres, cupae, and Other Intangible Vessels in the Roman Economy: Some Case Studies

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Reframing the Roman Economy

Part of the book series: Palgrave Studies in Ancient Economies ((PASTAE))

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Abstract

The paper deals with ceramic-leather-wooden-wicker containers which, because of their perishability and/or their generic forms and small dimensions, are very difficult to identify in the archaeological contexts, unlike the clearly typologized amphorae. However, integrating archaeological data with other sources (literary, iconographic, epigraphic, legal, ethnographic, etc.), these intangible and/or unnoticed vessels appear to have played a remarkable role in the Roman economy, transporting both niche and mass goods. Some case studies will be presented considering the foodstuffs which were traded in various commercial dynamics, both in local, regional, and more extensive contexts; and both in private and Annonarian trade.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Columella 12.45.

  2. 2.

    These uvae were preserved in pots containing vinaceis (grape-pulp: Cato, De Agr. 7.2) and also in sapa (reduced wine) et musto (must) (Pliny NH 14.5.46).

  3. 3.

    Horatius, Sat. 2.4.71: venucula convenit ollis. See Fedeli, “Dell’arte di mangiar bene” for a comment on this meal.

  4. 4.

    Pliny NH 14.4.34.

  5. 5.

    Regarding the consumption of uvae ollares in an elegant dinner, see also Martial VII.20.9.

  6. 6.

    According to Pliny, this Campanian vine was the best in Italy for its grapes and wines (Pliny NH 14.4.21 and 14.4.41; Pliny NH 14.4.46).

  7. 7.

    See Pliny: NH 14.4.34.

  8. 8.

    Columella XII, 45. Antiqui plerumque Sircitulas et Venuculas et maiores Amineas, et Gallicas, quaeque maioris et duri et rari acini erant, vasis condebant: nunc autem circa urbem maxime ad hunc usum Numisianae probantur. Statius also (Silv. IV.9.42) mentioned uvae ollares in this period.

  9. 9.

    See Annecchino, “L’Instrumentum domesticum,” tav. LII.10.

  10. 10.

    Pliny NH 15. 18. 66.

  11. 11.

    Pliny NH 15.18.67.

  12. 12.

    See the entry Cadus in Hilgers (“Lateinische Gefässnamen”), 42 and 125–128. See below, Footnotes 74 and 100.

  13. 13.

    Pliny NH 1.10.37–18.59.

  14. 14.

    Horatius Sat. 2.4.70–71.

  15. 15.

    Priap. 51.8.

  16. 16.

    Iuvenalis 11.73–75.

  17. 17.

    Iuvenalis 11.73–75.

  18. 18.

    Patula canistra (Ovidius Met. 8. 675).

  19. 19.

    Pliny NH XV.4.16.

  20. 20.

    Martial 1.43.8.

  21. 21.

    Martial 4.88.7; Martial 7.53.5.

  22. 22.

    Martial 4.46.

  23. 23.

    See Footnotes 20–22.

  24. 24.

    Martial 13.36; Martial 5.78.20–21.

  25. 25.

    Martial 4.46.12–14.

  26. 26.

    Pliny NH 15.4.16: muriae innatant colymbades.

  27. 27.

    Martial. 11.52.11; Martial. 4.88.7.

  28. 28.

    Paci, “Oliva Picena,” 202; Menchelli and Picchi, “Distorsioni interpretative,” 18–21; Van Limbergen, “The Central Adriatic.”

  29. 29.

    See Footnote 20.

  30. 30.

    For example, see Picchi, Menchelli, “Vasa idonea,” nrr. 56–72.

  31. 31.

    Albrecht, “Note sur un lot; “Ehmig,” Die Oliven.”

  32. 32.

    Ehmig, “Die Oliven.”

  33. 33.

    Van Limbergen, “A Note on Olives,” 308–309, Fig. 5.

  34. 34.

    Pesavento Mattioli, “Le anfore toncoconiche,” 335–348; Pesavento Mattioli, “Le anfore Schörgendorfer 558;” about this topic see also Menchelli and Picchi,”Distorsioni interpretative.”

  35. 35.

    See Footnote 12.

  36. 36.

    Carandini, “Hortensia.” See Scagliarini (“Bologna”) for Bononia and Pasquinucci and Menchelli (“Suburbium”) for Pisae.

  37. 37.

    Carandini, “Hortensia,” 68–72.

  38. 38.

    Cato De agr 161.1; Pliny NH 19.42.145.

  39. 39.

    Pliny (NH 19.43.152) states that cardui could be worth 6000 sesterces.

  40. 40.

    Pliny NH 19.23.67 regarding cucumeres (cucumbers).

  41. 41.

    Pliny NH 19.40.134 about beta (chard).

  42. 42.

    Pliny NH 18.33.127. Carandini, “Hortensia,” with bibliography.

  43. 43.

    Pliny NH 19.19.52: Romae quidem per se hortus ager pauperis erat. Ex horto plebei macellum, quanto innocentiore victu.

  44. 44.

    Rea, “Roma Linea C.”

  45. 45.

    Rea, “Roma Linea C,” 28–30.

  46. 46.

    Mari, “Asinaria Via,” 160–161.

  47. 47.

    See the asellii dossuarii mentioned by Varro, Rust. 2.6.5.

  48. 48.

    Marzano, “Harvesting the Sea”. For example, Martial (3.60) presents a clear distinction between the consumers of ostrea and those who, instead, had to content themselves with mituli.

  49. 49.

    Quaest. Conv. 4.4.2.9.

  50. 50.

    Varro Rust. III.2.17.

  51. 51.

    The eels (murenae) provided by C. Hirtius for Caesar’s triumphal banquet in 45 BC were 2000 according to Varro (Rust. 3.17.3) and 6000 for Pliny (NH 9.82.171).

  52. 52.

    Marzano, “Fish Salting,” 307–310; Marzano, “Harvesting the Sea,” 283–286.

  53. 53.

    Moreover, the man on the left is also holding a fish (Marzano, “Harvesting the Sea,” Fig. 42).

  54. 54.

    See Marzano,“Harvesting the Sea,” 298.

  55. 55.

    Marzano, “Harvesting the Sea,” 272, Fig. 41.

  56. 56.

    Picchi and Menchelli, “Pots for food.”

  57. 57.

    These basic morphological characteristics were adopted in different regional workshops because of their convenience for the pots’ intended functions.

  58. 58.

    Gasperetti, “Produzione e consumo.”

  59. 59.

    Berti et al., “Ostia II.”

  60. 60.

    Pavolini, “Scavi di Ostia.”

  61. 61.

    Gasperetti, “Produzione e consumo.”

  62. 62.

    Picchi and Menchelli 2018, “Pots for food,” 410–411, Fig. 5.

  63. 63.

    Athenaios, 6, 224.b–c.

  64. 64.

    Djaoui, Piquès and Botte, “Nouvelles données,” Fig. 2.

  65. 65.

    Piquès et al., “New Data.”

  66. 66.

    Piques et al., “New Data.”

  67. 67.

    Eveillard and Bardel, “Le site des Plomarc’H.”

  68. 68.

    Rivet, “Le pot trapu;” Bulgarelli, Dell’Amico, Gervasini, “Appunti.”

  69. 69.

    Martial XII.32.15.

  70. 70.

    These containers had a multiplicity of functions as jars for water and wine, olive oil and honey: see Hilgers (“Lateinische Gefässnamen”), the entry Urceus, 299–300.

  71. 71.

    According to the floor mosaics, this form contained Liquamen Flos; Liquamen Optimum; Garum Flos Scombri: see Curtis, “A Personalized Floor.”

  72. 72.

    Cappelletto et al., “Urcei.”

  73. 73.

    See above Footnote 12; the wine cadus could be synonymous with lagoena: Hilgers, “Lateinische Gefässnamen,” 204. See below Footnote 100.

  74. 74.

    Menchelli and Picchi, “Flat-bottomed amphorae.”

  75. 75.

    With the obvious regional variants.

  76. 76.

    Carreras and Gonzalez, “Anforas tarraconenses” for the Tarraconensis production.

  77. 77.

    Morais, “Oliveira and Morillo Cerdàn,” New Paragdisms.”

  78. 78.

    Morais, Oliveira and Morillo Cerdàn, New Paragdisms.” According to these authors, Baetican olive oil was also transported in pots, as documented by the findings in the shipwreck Arles Rhone 3, but it is possible that these vessels were intended for the sailors’ private use, like the above-mentioned Latial fish pots (Ostia II, 401 form).

  79. 79.

    Tchernia, “Le vin,” 285–299; Marlière, “Outres et tonneaux,” 281.

  80. 80.

    Pliny 14.27.132.

  81. 81.

    Obviously the findings are due to particularly favourable post-depositional contexts. Really, almost all the surviving barrels (95%) have been found re-utilized as the lining of wells, above all in the castra along the limes (Baratta, “Commercio e identità culturale,” 93), where the anaerobic conditions ensured their conservation.

  82. 82.

    Marlière, “Outres et tonneaux,” 278.

  83. 83.

    Baratta, “Commercio e identità culturale,” 93.

  84. 84.

    Marlière, “Outres et tonneaux”, 281–286.

  85. 85.

    See Hilgers, “Lateinische Gefässnamen”, the entry cupa; Tchernia, “Le vin,” 285–286. A wooden tank used in accordance with its original function has also been found in a domus in Pompeii (Reg. I, ins.VII, n.5: Della Corte, “Pompei,” 29).

  86. 86.

    Tchernia, “Le vin,” 2nd ed., XX–XXI. Obviously, these were the same commercial flows of the flat-bottomed amphorae dealt with above.

  87. 87.

    E. Marlière, “Outres et tonneaux,” classified cupae into 5 groups in accordance with their typology and dimensions: from group 1 (3–50 litres) to group 5 (750–1440 litres). Not surprisingly, in the Rhine-Danube military camps the largest group is the most documented. For the transport and the movement of the barrels see Marlière, Figs. 172 and 174.

  88. 88.

    Dig. XXXIII.7.12: see the remarks of A. Tchernia, “Le vin,” 286.

  89. 89.

    Toniolo, “I vetri;” Baratta,”Circa Alpes,” 241–242; Marlene, “L’outre et le tonneau.”

  90. 90.

    Marlière, “Le tonneau en Gaule Romaine,” 192; Baratta, “Commercio e identità culturale,” 98–101. Their chronology is respectively mid-third century AD and third century AD.

  91. 91.

    McCormick, “Movements and Markets,” 75. The findings in the Port Vendres 3 shipwreck (mid-second century AD) are uncertain.

  92. 92.

    Marlière and Torres Costa, “Transport et stockage.”

  93. 93.

    Marlière and Torres Costa, “Transport et stockage,” 103–105.

  94. 94.

    Marlière, “Outres et tonneaux,” 289. Baratta, “Commercio e identità culturale”, 95; McCormick, “Movements and Markets,” 76 and the bibliography.

  95. 95.

    Tchernia, “Le vin”, 286; Vera, “Distribuzioni pubbliche;” McCormick, “Movements and Markets”, 75.

  96. 96.

    Aurelianus 48.4.

  97. 97.

    This container is not better defined in the Latin sources, see Hilgers, “Lateinische Gefässnamen,“ the entry Doga, 171.

  98. 98.

    Unsurprisingly, the Expositio tutius mundi (LV), dating from the fourth century AD refers to the vinum Tiburtinum, Sabinum Tuscum. For example, the involvement of the Tuscia senatorial aristocracy in both wine production and trade, and in the running of the arca vinaria is well-known, see Pasquinucci, Menchelli, “Dinamiche tardo-antiche,” 148–152.

  99. 99.

    This kind of transport, that is, the vinum Tiberi devectum, quinque lagoenae (Iuv. VII, 121) had already been in use in the preceding centuries and the lagoenae (containers considered synonymous with cadi: see Footnote 74) can be identified as the small amphorae produced in Central Italy in the mid-Imperial period (the Spello and the Forlimpoli types: see Tchernia “Le vin,” 2nd ed., 253–264, and the later Empoli type: see Pasquinucci and Menchelli, “Dinamiche tardo-antiche;” Cantini, Boschian and Gabriele, “Empoli”).

  100. 100.

    Tchernia, “Le vin,” 2nd ed., XXI. In any case, it is possible that, among the wine amphorae, the Italian ones mentioned in the preceding note were not identified due to their small size.

  101. 101.

    See Baratta, “Circa Alpes,” 247–248 for Rome.

  102. 102.

    See Marlière and Torres Costa, “Transport et stockage,” 101–103. Their additional use for constructing emergency bridges is also documented (Baratta, “Ponte itaque”).

  103. 103.

    As is well known, it is equivalent to about 26 litres: see Panella, “Roma, Suburbio,” 13.

  104. 104.

    Valentinian III, Novella 29.

  105. 105.

    Tchernia, “Le vin;” McCormick, “Movements and Markets,” 75.

  106. 106.

    Marlière, “Outres et tonneaux”, 287; Marlière and Torres Costa”, “Transport et stockage,” 86.

  107. 107.

    This specific kind of cart had the advantage that goat skin containers could be regularly checked during transport for liquid loss: Marlière, “Outres et tonneaux,” 287.

  108. 108.

    Marlière, “L’outre et le tonneau,” 20–25.

  109. 109.

    Marlière and Torres Costa, “Transport et stockage,” 94.

  110. 110.

    Marlière, “L’outre et le tonneau,” 189; McCormick, “Movements and Markets,” 65.

  111. 111.

    Marlière, “Outres et tonneaux,” 287.

  112. 112.

    Tchernia, “Le vin,” 39.

  113. 113.

    Editto Diocl. X.14.

  114. 114.

    Marlière, “Outres et tonneaux,” 287.

  115. 115.

    Deman, “Avec les Utriculaires;” Christol, “Artisanat et association;” see, in general, for the animal skin production, Baratta, “La produzione della pelle.”

  116. 116.

    Marlière, “L’outre et le tonneau,” 18–20.

  117. 117.

    Deman, “Avec les Utriculaires,” 242.

  118. 118.

    Baratta, “La produzione della pelle,” 211–212.

  119. 119.

    Strabo IV.1.14, 189 C.

  120. 120.

    See, Footnotes 108–109, above. Deman (“Avec les Utriculaires”), instead, maintains that this transport was exclusively overland.

  121. 121.

    Peña, “The mobilization,” 212–215; Marlière and Torres Costa, “Transport et stockage,” 93–94; McCormick, “Movements and Markets.” 65.

  122. 122.

    Marlière and Torres Costa, “Transport et stockage,” 87–90 and Fig. 1.

  123. 123.

    Marlière and Torres Costa, “Transport et stockage,” 90–97.

  124. 124.

    Panella, “Roma, il suburbium,” 67–69.

  125. 125.

    Laubenheimer, “L’atelier d’Albinia,” 75–78.

  126. 126.

    Abdelhamid, “The Reuse of Amphorae;” Duckworth and Wilson (eds.), “Recycling and Reuse,” with preceding bibliography.

  127. 127.

    Menchelli and Picchi, “Distorsioni interpretative;” Van Limbergen, “The Central Adriatic Wine.”

  128. 128.

    Menchelli, “Italian and Sicilian Amphorae.”

  129. 129.

    See for example Del Vecchio and Iavarone, “Dressel 20 a Neapolis.”

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  1. Dipartimento Civiltà e Forme del Sapere, Università di Pisa, Pisa, Italy

    Simonetta Menchelli

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Correspondence to Simonetta Menchelli .

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  1. Department of Archaeology, Ghent University, Gent, Belgium

    Dimitri Van Limbergen

  2. Department of Archaeology, Ghent University, Gent, Belgium

    Adeline Hoffelinck

  3. Department of History, Archaeology, Arts, Philosophy and Ethics, Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Gent, Belgium

    Devi Taelman

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Menchelli, S. (2022). Ollae, cistulae, cadi, utres, cupae, and Other Intangible Vessels in the Roman Economy: Some Case Studies. In: Van Limbergen, D., Hoffelinck, A., Taelman, D. (eds) Reframing the Roman Economy. Palgrave Studies in Ancient Economies. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-06281-0_11

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