Abstract
The chapter looks at the typology of conditional clauses against the background of the wider typology of adverbial clauses, focusing on their external syntax. Clauses introduced by the conjunction if display (at least) three readings: (i) an event conditional (1a) expresses a condition on the realization of the eventuality encoded in the associated clause, (ii) a factual conditional (Iatridou in Topics in Conditionals. MIT, 1991: 58–96) (1b) introduces a background assumption which serves as the basis for the contextualization of the proposition encoded in the associated clause, (iii) a speech-event conditional (1c) encodes a condition on the realization of the speech event.
Manuela Schönenberger’s research was funded by SNSF grant 188933.
This work was first presented by Liliane Haegeman at the CNRS summer school Conditionals in Paris—Logic, Linguistics and Psychology (ÉCOLE THÉMATIQUE—CNRS) on June 4, 2019. We thank the organizers of the summer school for their invitation and the audience for their comments. Special thanks are due to Andrew Radford and Andrew Weir for help with the English data, to Anne Breitbarth for her comments on a prefinal version of the paper and to two reviewers for this volume who gave extensive comments on an earlier version. Of course, none of them can be held responsible for the way these comments have been interpreted and used.
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Notes
- 1.
Various terms are used to refer to the three types of conditionals. What we call factual conditionals have also been labelled pragmatic conditionals (Haegeman 1984b), premise-conditionals (Haegeman 2003), relevance conditionals (Iatridou 1991), factual P-conditionals (Declerck 2000), conditional assertions (Kearns 2006). Speech-event conditionals are also referred to as biscuit conditionals (Austin 1961), for discussion of biscuit conditionals see a.o. Ebert et al. (2008).
- 2.
One subset of conditional clauses, those referred to as event conditionals, also function as clausal arguments. In (i) the bracketed conditional clause is the complement of the preposition for:
-
(i)
exactly what it says it is perfect for [if1 you need some cash in your blizzard wallet or you want to give a gift card to someone for holiday or bday].
(https://www.amazon.com/gp/customer-reviews/R1W5EO8HSSX2CW?ASIN=B012JMS4W2)
We will not go into this pattern here, though it is obviously of independent interest, in particular because to the best of our knowledge, factual if-conditionals cannot function as arguments.
-
(i)
- 3.
We turn to the speech-event related reading corresponding to (1c) in Sect. 4.1.
- 4.
From now on we will use the term ‘concessive’, though closer study of the semantics of while2-clauses might reveal the relative appropriateness of the three labels.
- 5.
We added indeed in (10a) and (10b) to ensure the factual reading of the conditional clause.
- 6.
Observe that in a cartographic view (cf. Cinque and Rizzi [2008] for an introduction), in which syntactic structure closely matches semantic interpretation, the height of attachment of the conditional clauses correlates with a semantic distinction, a point that will become clearer in Sect. 3.2. So the constraint on coordination of ‘likes’ is both semantic and syntactic.
- 7.
In clefted if1-clauses the addition of only is obligatory, a point which we won’t go into here.
- 8.
A radical alternative to this approach taken in Declerck and Reed (2001) is to deny that the distinction between central and peripheral adverbial clauses is syntactic:
-
a subordinate clause is a syntactically dependent clause. Such questions as the scope of negation, focusing, modality, etc.; in the head clause are immaterial to this, as they pertain, not to syntactic, but to semantic integration (Declerck and Reed 2001: 37f.).
Given that we endorse a view according to which the various patterns discussed in Sect. 2—i.e. scope, temporal subordination, focus, etc.—are syntactically encoded, this viewpoint is not pursued.
-
- 9.
Andrew Radford (p.c.) confirms that it is hard to get a probably reading for the deleted VP in (23f).
- 10.
Krifka’s (2017, to appear) functional layer JP, adopted by Frey (2018, 2019, 2020), could be reinterpreted as a ‘telescoped’ variant of Cinque’s (1999) topmost four high modal projections: MoodPspeech act, MoodPevaluative, MoodPevidential and ModPepistemic. Cinque’s hierarchy is replicated in (i).
(i) MoodPspeech act > MoodPevaluative > MoodPevidential > ModP epistemic > TP (Past > TP (Future) > MoodPirrealis > ModPalethic > AspPhabitual > AspPrepetitive > AspPfrequentative > ModPvolitional > AspPcelerative > TP(Anterior) > AspPterminative > AspPcontinuative > AspPretrospective > AspPproximative > AspPdurative > AspPgeneric/progressive > AspPprospective > ModPobligation > ModPpermission/ability > AspPcompletive > VoiceP > AspPcelerative > AspPrepetitive > AspPfrequentative (Cinque 2004: 133, his (3)).
Further research will have to shed light on the question as to what extent the four distinct levels postulated by Cinque (1999) could or should be correlated to specific peripheral adverbial clauses such as, for instance, factual conditionals, concessive while-clauses, rationale since2/as2/vermits-clauses, etc. For proposals the interested reader is referred to Endo and Haegeman (2019), who propose a general mechanism for the insertion of adverbial clauses in relation to their internal syntax, and Charnavel (2020) for a discussion of French rationale puisque (‘since’) clauses as modifiers of Cinque’s MoodPevidential.
- 11.
- 12.
It might be objected that the if2-clause in (47b) is not echoic in any obvious way. One could perhaps argue that (47b) constitutes a reply to an implicit or explicit question asking whether the speaker remembers the date of publication.
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Haegeman, L., Schönenberger, M. (2023). The External Syntax of Conditional Clauses. In: Kaufmann, S., Over, D.E., Sharma, G. (eds) Conditionals. Palgrave Studies in Pragmatics, Language and Cognition. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-05682-6_10
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