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Diasporic Homecoming and Transnational Flows in Times of Crisis: Economic Strategies and Mobilities of Greeks from the Former Soviet Union in Thessaloniki

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Diaspora Engagement in Times of Severe Economic Crisis

Part of the book series: Migration, Diasporas and Citizenship ((MDC))

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Abstract

This chapter discusses the development and transformation of the economic activities of Greek migrants from the Former Soviet Union (FSU), and how these were shaped through two different periods of uncertainty and crisis: by the transition shock following the fall of the Soviet Union which led to various migration waves all along the 1990s, officially referred to as repatriation by the Greek authorities, and by the Greek financial crisis of 2010. Based on ethnographic research including semi-directed interviews in Thessaloniki, it traces the formation of economic networks of the Greek migrants from the FSU and their mutations depending on changing global economic and social frameworks. We try to show how these diasporic networks serve as the foundation of economic action and social reproduction notably in times of economic uncertainty. By examining the birth and evolution of specific sectors of ethnic economies, such as the tourism sector and the fur trade or the Russian products shops, we argue that the economic strategies of FSU Greeks are embedded in wider social and economic structures and more specifically to national and transnational diasporic and post-Soviet networks. Broad mutations and uncertainty seem to affect how these networks are shaped and how economic action, mobility and sentiments of community belonging are structured within them.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The chapter is based on a research project which is co-financed by Greece and the European Union (European Social Fund—ESF) through the Operational Programme “Human Resources Development, Education and Lifelong Learning 2014–2020”.

  2. 2.

    Shuttle trading, a very common practice in Yeltsin’s Russia developed by individuals who travelled all over Russia, the ex-Soviet Asian Republics, Turkey and Greece, selling products in open markets.

  3. 3.

    Even though the majority of our informants originate from the Pontus region, we mostly refer to them as Greeks from the FSU to avoid implying that all FSU Greek migrants are of Pontic origin. In any case, the question of the identity of these populations is complex as it implicates both top-down definitions coming from the Greek state and social interaction imperatives between them and local Greeks (see Voutira, 2004; Pratsinakis, 2017, 2021).

  4. 4.

    According to the official statistics, from 2010 to 2015 unemployment raised by more than 200%: https://www.statistics.gr/documents/20181/9b33edd0-1c51-41e6-ab81-401c29681599.

  5. 5.

    For Statistics from 2010 to 2018: https://www.statistics.gr/documents/20181/6dc920dd-6c88-49f8-8d2e-fc076ffbe499.

  6. 6.

    Georgi Anastasov, president of the Greek Association of Tatarstan, Demos, expressed his love for his three different homelands: Georgia, his birthplace; Tatarstan, his living place; and Greece as the historical homeland where his ancestors used to live: http://grk.addnt.ru/moya-istoricheskaya-rodina-greciya-pe/.

  7. 7.

    According to the census of 1999–2000 in the Macedonia region, 46% of post-Soviet Greek refugees worked in industrial or craft sector (Ministry of Macedonia and Thrace, 2000).

  8. 8.

    Native Greeks preferred to refer to Greeks from the FSU by the term Russo-Pontians, literally Pontians from Russia, which through time acquired a pejorative meaning (Pratsinakis, 2017).

  9. 9.

    Cf. Granovetter on trust and entrepreneurship within networks (1985, pp. 489–490; 2003).

  10. 10.

    Mouzenidis Travel started operating in 1995 and is still operational.

  11. 11.

    Around 20–30,000 roubles for an average rural house.

  12. 12.

    According to Zabyelina and her study on the Cherkizovsky market, the shuttlers’ economy started to lose ground gradually after the 1998 Russian crisis and declined further after 2004 due to several reasons, one of which was falling sales (Zabyelina, 2012).

  13. 13.

    Stores that sell exclusively Russian products, in the beginning at least.

  14. 14.

    Cf. Pechurina (2017).

  15. 15.

    See https://grekobook.ru and its printed version, the magazine Thessaloniki city.

  16. 16.

    https://youfrom.ru/2019/04/02/krizis-v-gretsii-nashi-sootechestvenniki-vozvrashhayutsya-v-rossiyu/.

  17. 17.

    The eco-migrant phenomenon is not new in Georgia’s Tsalka region. Since the end of 1980s the Soviet Georgian authorities tried to change demographically Tsalka, after favouring the implantation of Georgians who suffered from natural disasters in several regions of Adjaria and Svanetiia. See on this topic: Komakhia (2005).

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Grigorakis, A., Kataiftsis, D. (2022). Diasporic Homecoming and Transnational Flows in Times of Crisis: Economic Strategies and Mobilities of Greeks from the Former Soviet Union in Thessaloniki. In: Anastasakis, O., Pratsinakis, M., Kalantzi, F., Kamaras, A. (eds) Diaspora Engagement in Times of Severe Economic Crisis. Migration, Diasporas and Citizenship. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97443-5_12

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97443-5_12

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