Abstract
COVID-19 powerfully exemplifies the increasing global character of risks that Beck identifies in his theory of ‘world risk society’. A global phenomenon whose transmission has been enabled by modern technologies and forms of life, world risk society powerfully portends a transition from the politics of distribution of goods to the politics of the distribution of risks. Two of the most controversial aspects of Beck’s analysis of the transformations emerging from the world risk society are his claims of the increasing inadequacy of insurance and the declining importance of the nation-state in the face of global risks. This chapter critically engages with both of Beck’s claims. In the chapter I argue that while Beck’s specific claim about the declining importance of the state fails to capture existing transformations, his focus on how globally produced risks overwhelm existing forms of social and economic protection can help illuminate how global risks are increasingly pushing the state towards ex post and often ad hoc forms of intervention. This claim is substantiated through an examination of the massive and unprecedented intervention to support financial markets in the face of the economic impacts of COVID-19.
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Notes
- 1.
See Tooze (2020) amongst others for this claim.
- 2.
That is, the argument here is for the general productiveness of Beck’s model of risk society, not for all of his specific theses about the risk society (for the argument that risk society should be understood as a paradigm or model rather than as a specific thesis, see Curran (2016a)). That Beck’s work continues to be highly relevant to new areas of study can be taken as either a further corroboration of the usefulness of his work, given its ability to identify key elements of processes that Beck was not aware of, or even envisioned when he developed the theory (see Lakatos, 1970). On the other hand, detractors may argue, following Popper (2002), that the plasticity of the risk society theory is a testament to its ability to avoid being falsified, and that this is an epistemic limitation, not strength. Following the dictum that models are neither true nor false—only useful or not, this chapter utilizes risk society as a useful model to identify and discover more general theories about contemporary configurations of risk. As is seen below, the paradigm of risk society is useful to think with, even when many of its empirical claims fail (see Curran, 2018a). A similar analogy could be used for Hobbes’ political theory, which is rarely, if ever, true in any of its empirical claims, despite it being incredibly productive as a paradigm for political thought for centuries following the publication of Leviathan (1651) (see Macpherson, 1962 for one example).
- 3.
At one point, it was estimated that over half of the world’s population was under social distancing curbs (BBC, 2020).
- 4.
This change is tied, for Beck, to the defeat of the logic of the instrumental rationality due to its success in increasing its power over nature (Beck, 1992: 22, 1996: 32). This analysis has important affinities to Horkheimer and Adorno’s (1979 [1944]) analysis of the ‘dialectic of enlightenment’ (see Beck, 1996: 38). For a discussion of the dialectic of controllability and uncontrollability in Beck, see Curran (2016a).
- 5.
Though it should be noted that in his later work, he increasingly shifted towards emphasizing greater uncertainty and growth of non-knowledge within society, thus potentially acknowledging greater contingencies in any social predictions (Beck, 2009).
- 6.
Why Beck has been wrong so far about the transformations of society to end excessive risk production is an interesting question, which is worthy of further investigation—though it cannot be tackled here. For an initial analysis of some of the relevant gaps, including Beck’s neglect of how some groups can continue to systematically benefit from excessive risk production, as well as Beck’s continued reliance of a Marxian model of historical transformation, see Curran (2016a, 2016b).
- 7.
This is an example of the ambiguity of Beck’s analysis regarding his constant shift between future as it is and future as we should make it. In some cases, it is not fully clear if Beck is arguing that the nation-state will become, or should become, less important and shift many of its decision-making powers to international organizations.
- 8.
- 9.
Though, Beck did often neglect the specificities of capitalism as an economic system (see also Benton, 1997).
- 10.
For an early discussion of how the state is increasingly serving as ‘risk manager’ and in fact insurer of last resort, see Moss (2004).
- 11.
The S&P 500 is a market capitalization weighted index of the 500 large companies of stock exchanges listed in the United States.
- 12.
The STOXX Europe 600 is stock index of European stocks from 17 European countries, including the UK.
- 13.
The FTSE 100 is a share index of the 100 largest companies by market capitalization based in the UK.
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Curran, D. (2022). COVID-19, World Risk Society, and the Transformation of the State. In: Brown, P.R., Zinn, J.O. (eds) Covid-19 and the Sociology of Risk and Uncertainty . Critical Studies in Risk and Uncertainty. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-95167-2_10
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