Abstract
This essay addresses the invention, meaning and reception of Simon Vouet’s Satyrs admiring the anamorphosis of an elephant (ca. 1627) and the engraving after it by Johannes Tröschel. It identifies the subject as a thesis print with theological and philosophical content, likely made in the orbit of the Jesuits of the Collegio Romano and under the patronage of Prince Maurice of Savoy. The image’s deployment of catoptrical technology and anamorphosis is discussed in relation to period conceptions of imprese, including those of Emanuele Tesauro. The image’s creation and reception are situated in the context of Italy’s learned academies and pan-European interest in mathematical optics and instrumentation.
Early versions of this essay were delivered at the Renaissance Society of America Annual Meeting, the Early Modern French Seminar at the University of Cambridge, and the conference Art and Science in the Early Modern Low Countries at the Rijksmuseum and Trippenhuis. I am grateful to Eric Jorink and Tim Chesters for the invitations to present my work and to the audiences for their helpful questions and observations. I am also grateful to Louis Rice, Susanna Berger, Dan Garber, Paul Taylor, Liz McGrath, John de Boulton-Holland, Judit Sebö, Denis Ribouillault, and Simon Turner for their helpful comments and suggestions. The writing of this paper has been partially funded by the European Research Council under the European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme (fp7/2007–2013)/erc grant agreement no. 617391. In memoriam Robert Oresko (1947–2010).
This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.
Access this chapter
Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout
Purchases are for personal use only
Similar content being viewed by others
Notes
- 1.
Hessisches Landesmuseum, Darmstadt, Inv. H. 21.762. The attribution to Vouet has occasionally been questioned, but there is now general consensus that it is an autograph work. The drawing’s provenance cannot be traced earlier than the late eighteenth/early nineteenth century: it was purchased in Paris from the collection of the Marquis de Lagoy (1764–1829) by the ambassador Joseph van Dahlberg (1773–1833). See Thuillier et al. 1990, 107–8; Cordellier et al. 2007, 162. An anonymous, seventeenth-century copy of the drawing is in the Kupferstich-Kabinett, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden, Inv. C 6840. On early modern anamorphosis, see Massey 2007.
- 2.
Inspection of the drawing in person has shown these letters to be integral to the image—they are not a later addition. On the potential significance of the satyrs’ gestures as recognizable rhetorical signs, see Dimova 2015.
- 3.
For an overview of the symbolism of the elephant in the early modern period, see Orsi 1994.
- 4.
The engraving bears the signatures “Simon Voüet In:[venit]” and “Joan:[nes] Tröschel Sc:[ulpsit]”. The use of the diacritical mark in Vouet’s surname reflects the way he signed himself in his correspondence in 1627. See Thuillier et al. 1990, 107.
- 5.
- 6.
- 7.
- 8.
- 9.
- 10.
Sprat 1722 (first edition 1677), 98.
- 11.
- 12.
- 13.
Ficacci 1989, 160 suggests that the subject and iconography were likely informed by the Roman Jesuits. The trichotomic soul was first proposed by St Augustine in De Trinitate (X, 17–19). For early modern scholarly treatment of the soul, see Vidal 2011. This division appears also in the chariot of Martin Meurisse (1584–1644) and Léonard Gaultier’s (1560/61–1635) Clara totius physiologiae synopsis (“Tres sunt facultates animae rationalis, intellectus, voluntas, et memoria…”). See Berger 2017, 182. This broadside is reproduced in Susanna Berger’s chapter in this volume.
- 14.
“Ingenium ceu flamma salit, ceu flamma coruscat/Iccirco innocuo circuit igne comas.” The verse appended to the engraving is not signed, but it was likely composed by a poet in Vouet’s circle. The Latin recalls a passage in Virgil’s Aeneid, in which “innocuous fire” plays around the head of Iulis (Ascanius). I am grateful to Liz McGrath for bringing this reference to my attention.
- 15.
It has been speculated that the object held by Intellect/Ingenium is a mirror. See e.g. Rodari 2015, 50. However, while the object is rendered somewhat ambiguously in the painting, in the engraving the fall of a shadow from Intellect/Ingenium’s arm indicates that it is not a reflective surface, but a blank slate. In the Synopsis (see above, n. 13), Intellect also holds a tablet. As Crelly established (1962), the attributes of the personifications derive from the Iconologia of Cesare Ripa (1560–1622), although they have been adapted from several different figures. Will, for instance, has the double face of Prudence in Ripa’s manual.
- 16.
- 17.
Garrod 2021, 2.
- 18.
- 19.
Thuillier et al. 1990, 97: “V.S., il quale per sua gratia mia semper procurato il mio bene come quomissco per la sua di qualo che mi dice avere trattato di me al sig[no]re Principe Card[ina]le di Scavoia, il quale averebe a caro di potere servir quoniosendo il jovamento che detto servitu mi potarebe aportar a presso il Re mio patrone.” Simon Vouet to Cavaliere [Cassiano] dal Pozzo, from Genoa, 21 May 1621.
- 20.
Maurice was sent to Paris in 1618 to witness the marriage of his brother, Vittorio Amadeo (1587–1637), to the King’s sister, Christine of France (1606–1663). Once in Rome, he became protector of France to the Holy See, having been charged by his father with the representation of French and Venetian interests. Made a cardinal in 1621, in the 1623 conclave that elected Urban VIII Maurice vigorously supported the French party. See Randi 1901; Osborne 2007.
- 21.
- 22.
- 23.
- 24.
- 25.
The latter is discussed in Rice 2007, 208 and 228.
- 26.
Sometimes, thesis defences were accompanied by illustrated pamphlets, on which see Collacciani and Roux in this volume.
- 27.
See Rice 1999.
- 28.
- 29.
On early modern Jesuit science, see Feingold 2003.
- 30.
It is a scene not dissimilar to the iconoclastic asses that feature in the margins of Flemish “pictures of collections,” on which see Marr 2010.
- 31.
Satyrs were, of course, ambivalent figures that—as half beast and half man—could display certain human attributes while being bound by their bestial natures. Strikingly, a treatise on this very topic was published in France in 1627, the year when Vouet’s drawing was probably made: Hédelin 1627. On satyrs in the early modern period, see Kaufmann 1984; Roling 2010, 289–392.
- 32.
Tesauro 1670, 621: “L’ultima metafore è la decettione … Tal’è la chimera … le sirene, le harpíe, i satiri[.]”
- 33.
- 34.
See Rice 2007.
- 35.
We may note here the similarity with Mellan’s The mockers (Fig. 10.9) which features a similar vine in the foreground.
- 36.
“Nous appellons un miroir cylindrique, qui est en sa forme semblable à un cylindre, qui est une pierre longue ronde également par tout, dont on se servoit autrefois pour unir & applanir les lieux où on batoit le grain, & les allées de promenades és jardins, au rapport de Virgile au 2. Des Georgiques. Area cum primis ingenti aequanda cylindro.” Niceron 1638, 83; the quote is Virgil, Georgics I (not II), 178. On Niceron’s anamorphoses, see De Rosa 2013; De Rosa and Bortot 2019; Collacciani and Roux in this volume. The frontispiece to Niceron’s treatise (engraved by Pierre Danet, sometimes attributed to Vouet) features a cylindrical mirror anamorphosis and he may have based one of the anamorphosis illustrated in the book on Vouet’s painting of Saint Francis of Paola, engraved by Jean Lenfant. See Gómez López 2016, 325.
- 37.
There is a further connection to Vouet’s image, in that Bettini dedicated his book to Maurice of Savoy’s nephew, Carlo Emmanuele II (1634–1675). On the iconography of Jesuit frontispieces, see Remmert 2011. On Roman gardens as sites of philosophy (which included a rich material culture), see Fischer et al. 2016.
- 38.
- 39.
Gómez López 2016, 330.
- 40.
See Marr 2006.
- 41.
- 42.
- 43.
Ripa 1625, 554: “Gli si dipinge a lato l’elefante, per essere più d’ogn’ altro animale religioso, come si dirà. Narra Plinio nel lib[ro] 8 al c[apitolo] 1 questo animale è raro in bontà, prudente, amator dell’equità e humano, percioché incontrando l’huomo. …Ma, quel che fa più a nostro proposito, è questo raro animale il hieroglifico della Religione, raccontando pur esso Plinio al luogo citato che egli ha in veneratione il sole et le stelle et, apparendo la nova luna, spontaneamente va a lavarsi in acqua di vivo fiume et amalandosi chiama aiuto dal Cielo, buttando verso il cielo dell’herbe come mezzi per inter-cedere gratia di sanità.”
- 44.
Ripa 1625, 554: “è virtù morale per la quale l’huomo porta honore et riverenza interiormente nell’animo et esteriormente col. corpo al vero Dio. È anco ne gli huomini talmente inserta da natura la Religione che, come dice Aristotile, per quella, più che per essere ragionevole, sono differenti da brutti animali, vedendosi ciò chiaramente da questo, che ne’ pericoli improvisi, senz’altra deliberatione, ci volgiamo a chiamare il divino aiuto. Si li fa velato il viso, perché la religione ne gli huomini riguarda Dio, come dice S. Paolo per speculum in aenigmate.”
- 45.
For thesis prints as vehicles of epideictic rhetoric, see Rice 2009.
- 46.
The mirror in Vouet’s image would have been made not of glass but of brightly polished (and thus highly reflective) metal. As Niceron explained, it was “very difficult … not to say impossible” to make conical or spherical mirrors from glass or crystal, proposing instead a metal version, the manufacture of which he sets out in some detail. Niceron 1638, 81–3.
- 47.
This insight was first suggested in Préaud 1992 and has been repeated in subsequent studies.
- 48.
Tesauro 1670, 678–79: “Ma ingeniosissima è quella che il Principe Mauritio di Savoia, come perpetuo mecenate degli’ ngegni, dirizzò per la sua heroica & famosa academia d’arme & di lettere intitolata, de’ Solinghi. Cioè; lo specchio conico; in cui quelle, che nella piana superficie paion macchie; unitamente riflettendo in alto, divengono perfette, & compostissime figure. Dove concorrono molte circonstanze considerabili. Peroche, primieramente il corpo della impresa non può esser più ingenioso per l’artificio: ne più nobile, ne più meraviglioso, ne più pellegrino: essendo un novello parto delle matematica speculare; la più miraculosa di tutte l’arti. …Talche senza controversia niuna, questa si può chiamare una idea delle imprese ingeniose: concorrendovi tante circonstanze quadranti; & principalmente la novità, che genera maraviglia. Che sebene alcun’ altra nobile academia del’Italia, habbia dapoi (com’ intendo) preso questo medesimo specchio per corpo di sua impresa, col. medesimo significato universale: egli è pertanto cosa troppo nota, che quest’ Altezza in ciò prevene di molta lunga ogni altra intelletto. Peroch’ essendo stato inventato questo specchio miracoloso, da un sottilissimo spirito in Parigi, d’intorno all’anno 1627 & venutone subito un degli primi originali à queste Regie Altezze, prima che ne passasse pur la fama più avanti nella Italia: questo Principe, che stava nel medesimo tempo meditando la impresa dell’Academia; veduto un sì pellegrino & ammirabil ritrovo, immediatamente l’applicò, & ne fabricò questo suo simbolo.”
- 49.
- 50.
- 51.
Notably, he deploys the catoptrical metaphor in his dedication to Maurice, whom he calls “inspirer of the ingenious” (fomentator degl’ingeniosi). Tesauro 1654, a4v-a4r: “the selfsame imperfections of these pages, reflected in the high and most clear mirror of your incomparable judgment, received correction; just as in your heroic and sharp impresa, the conical mirror corrects the misshapen characters on a plane sheet, are reduced together in a right and perfect form.” (“Ma le istese imperfettioni di queste pagine, riflettendo nell’alto e tersissimo specchio dell’incomparabile suo giudicio; riceveranno emendatione: sicome nella heroica & argutissima sua impresa, lo specchio conico emendo li caratteri disformati di un piano foglio; riducendogli in se stesso alla diritta, & perfettissima forma.”)
- 52.
Tesauro 1659, 151–52: “heroica sua divisa lo specchio in forma il cilindro, con quelle argute parole, omnis in unum. …il generoso Mauritio usò per impresa lo specchia tondeggiato in figura di colonna, da’ perspettivi detta cilindro: nel cui centro accogliendosi le colorate imagini, che fuor dello specchio paiono informi e scontorte macchie; nel suo seno cristallino ricevono diritta e perfettissima forma[.]” On Tesauro’s eulogy, see Kolrud 2015.
- 53.
Baltrušaitis 1977, 167.
- 54.
Gómez López 2016, 323.
- 55.
Gómez López 2016, 329 claims that Niceron singled out Vouet as the “epitome of expertise in optics and, in particular, its application.” The reality is rather more pedestrian, for he merely mentions Vouet, Laurent de la Hyre and “several other painters” as artists who, in all their works, follow optical principles in their designs and in the application of colour: “Monsieur Voüet, premier Peintre du Roy, Mo[n]sieur de la Hyre & quelques-autres: leurs ouvrages nous sont assex coignostre qu’ils suivent toutes les maxims de l’Optique dans la conduit de leurs desseins, & l’application de leur coloris.” Niceron 1638, sig. [ëiv]r.
- 56.
Niceron’s earliest catoptrical mirror anamorphosis is an Anamorphic portrait of Jacques d’Auzolles de Lapeyere (1631) (Archives Départementales du Cantal, Aurillac Cedex). The attribution of roles in the image’s production is notable: Niceron is named as having “invented” it (invenit), while Picard “drew and engraved” it (delin[eavit] et incidit). In his capacity as one of the theologians of the Order of Minims, Mersenne formally “approved” Niceron’s treatise and his own Optics and Catoptrics were published with the second, 1652 edition of the book.
- 57.
In the section of Perspective curieuse that treats catoptrics, Niceron refers the reader to Mersenne’s work on the burning mirror in Traité de l’harmonie universelle (1627) and mentions also the collection of Monsieur Hesselin (Louis Hesselin, Seigneur du Condé), whose cabinet featured wondrous mirrors, among other rarities. He refers also to examples of catoptrical anamorphosis in the library of the Place Royale (presumably that of the Minims’ convent there). Niceron 1638, 76–7, 87. The large collection formed by Pierre Trichet in the first few decades of the seventeenth century similarly featured numerous optical instruments, including mirrors and prisms. See Schnapper 1988, 114 and (for Hesselin, who was close to Vouet), Schnapper 1994, 182–86. Given the literal meaning of invenit as “coming upon”, the invention of catoptrical anamorphosis may well have been a discovery of foreign sources by Europeans, perhaps via Constantinople as Baltrušaitis suggested, but not necessarily by Vouet. There had been numerous European embassies to the Ottoman court before 1630. On early modern invention, see Marr and Keller 2014.
- 58.
“Mo[n]sieur le Seigneur au fauxbourg S. Germain, à qui j’ai donné les modelles de l’un & de l’autre, & que j’estime un des bons ouvriers, que nous ayons à Paris pour le present, pour faire de ces miroirs de metail de toutes sortes.” Niceron 1638, 96.
- 59.
See e.g. Gómez López 2016.
- 60.
On Mascardi, see Bellini 2000.
- 61.
See Bonfait 2011, 180–81 for this suggestion.
- 62.
Giovanetti 1630, 107: “Alla luce, che con tanta chiarezza si diffonde da si bella adunanza non ho saputo io immaginarmi di rappresentar cosa piu proportionata, ch’altro lucid oggetto, da cui essa medesima con bel riflesso venga rappresentata. …cosi non potete voi contemplare voi medesimi in questo terso cristallo che vi propongo; se io con l’oscuro piombo dell’ingegno mio non pongo il termine a vostre raggi visivi; per che l’immagine vostra non si transfonda.”
- 63.
Giovanetti 1630, 110.
- 64.
On these sorts of “magic mirrors” and optical games, see Dupré 2008.
- 65.
Giovanetti 1630, 113: “composta da tre luminosi cristalli. Ex integritate charitatis; per cui l’anima si fa tersa d’ogni macchia; Ex puritate humilitatis; per cui entra il raggio della divina gratia. Ex subtilitate intellectus; per cui il sole della sapienza n’infonde il suo lume, perche in questa guida s’arriva anche a vagheggiare il medesimo Dio[.] Ma, perche la divina essenza non si lascia vedre, se non per mezzo dello specchio, Videmus nunc per speculum in aenigmate. Noi non habbiamo se non due strade per giunger a vagheggiarci in ispecchio cosi sublime. L’una è la strada della Sapienza[.] L’altra è la consideratione delle opere divine[.]”
- 66.
See Merolla 1995, 55–57 and, for the proposals for imprese, 57–68.
- 67.
Merolla 1995, 131: “Haverà l’impresa da levarsi nell’Accademia per Corpo, cinque Corone intrecciate insieme, cioè di Quercia, di Palma, di Hellera, di Gramigna, e d’Alloro … col. motto Non uni insistere, tolto dal Sannazaro[.]”
- 68.
Jacopo Sannazaro, “Epigram on Andrea Matteo Aquaviva”, lines 9–10, in Sannazaro 2009, 305.
- 69.
Merolla 1995, 133–34. On the basis of evidence that Maurice welcomed academicians to his Torinese villa in 1622, Merolla argues that the Solinghi must have been founded in Turin prior to the Roman academy.
- 70.
Tesauro 1659, 152: “che le sue attioni, comunque dall’estimatione altrue venissero biecamente interpretate; tutte nondimeno dentro allo specchio sincero della sua mente, sarebbono diritamente ordinate al solo honoratissimo fine della virtù: omnis in unum”. On the contest for the Savoyard crown, see Oresko 1997.
- 71.
Tesauro quotes Socrates via Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, 3.2: “Virtutum medium cognoscere non cuiuslibet est, sed sapientis.” See Tesauro 1679, 152.
- 72.
Tesauro 1670, 677: “Dove concorrono molte circonstanze considerabile. Peroche, primieramente il corpo della impresa non può esser più ingenioso per l’artificio: ne più nobile, ne più meraviglioso, ne più pellegrino: essendo un novello parto della matematica speculare; la più miracoloso di tutte l’arti. Ingeniosa è dipoi l’applicatione. Volendo accennare; che quantunque ciascun’academico per se solo, sia quasi un’ente imperfetto: nondimeno, accomunando ciascuno il suo talento in questa erudita università; da questa ricevono perfetta forma.”
- 73.
On formal gardens and academies, see Ribouillault 2018.
- 74.
Tesauro 1670, 677–78: “Ma vi entrano altre Circonstanze più singolari. L’una è, che questa heroica Academia de’Solenghi, ha per seggia principale la villa di piacere di questo principe: sicome l’Academia di Atena havea per seggia gli Horti delitiosi di Academo[.] …Ma un’ altra più ingeniosa circonstanza è; che sicome il luogo di quest’Academia, è un giardino amenissimo à modo di laberinto semicircolare in un verde teatro di colline: così nel corpo della impresa, quelle macchie, nel piano rappresentano il stessuoso laberinto: ma riverberate nello specchio, formano per vera regola di perspettiva perfetti caratteri, compneneti il motto della impresa; Omnis in unum: spiccato da quel di Virgilio, Virtus coit omnis in unum. Talche, per gran forza d’ingegno; & per maraviglioso riscontro, la figura forma il motto; il motto forma la figura: l’anima serve per corpo, & il corpo per anima.”
- 75.
- 76.
- 77.
Tesauro 1671, 192: “Instituerat providus hic Princeps, celeberrimam Academiam, duplo utiliorem Reipublicae, quam illa fuerit Platonicorum in Hortis Academi. Illa enim, ut ajebat Timon, Sectatores suos ad garriendum, Cicadarum more inter arbusta, duntaxat educabat: haec Androgina Ingeniorum Parens, Literariis juxta, & Equestribus exercitamentis, Foro & Castris suos ita initiavit: ut strenuissimi Belli Duces, & consultissimi Justitiae Praesides: Doctissimi etiam Cardinales, & ipse, qui nunc regnat Pontifex, ab illius sinu prodierint. Et quoniam haec tota Principis voluptas, hoc delicium, hoc a negotius erat diverticulum; solivagam Academiae Sedem ac Domicilium amoenissimo in Suburbano suo prope Eridanum, constituerat: unde Academicis suis, suo de genio & exemplo, Solitariorum Nomen indidit[.]”
- 78.
Tesauro 1671, 194: “Academicis aditum pandit, occludit exteris, quibus sapientiae limen est limes.”
- 79.
Tesauro 1671, 197: “Omnes denique, ingeniosarum instar Apum, ex hortensibus Academi deliciis, floreas Musarum divitias populantium, ita sibi proficiunt, ut aliis prosint.” Tesauro, quoting Pasta’s letter of dedication for the thesis print, explains: “You see how one contends with the sword, and another with the pen; this one practices the dance, and this one military campaigns; one thunders from the orator’s chair, one hurls bolts of lightning on horseback; and the very leisure activities of your students strikes terror into the hearts of your enemies. You descry how the laurels of Mars vie in their endeavours with the laurel of Poesy, the priest’s head-dress with the soldier’s helmet, the lawyer’s toga with the philosopher’s cloak, all within one haunt of the Muses, and contribute the diverse fruits of their studies for the common good[.]” (“Cernis ut ille gladio, hic calamo certat: ille ex Cathedra tonat, hic ex Equo fulminat: alter Choris, alter Castris proludit; & Academicorum tuorum ipsa otia, hostibus terrorem incutiunt. Cernis ut Martia Laurus, cum Poetica Lauro: sacer Apex, cum Militari Galea; forensis Toga cum Philosophali Palliolo, uni Musaeo certatim allaborant; & diversa studia in commune conferunt[.]”) Tesauro 1671, 194.
- 80.
Little of the original architecture or garden layout remains, the villa having been extensively remodeled in the eighteenth century. See Mossetti 2007.
- 81.
Tesauro 1671, 195: “Singulae igitur Porticuum apertiones, singularum Artium studiis, discretae quasi officinae, confinguntur: in quibus singuli Artium illarum authores, Auctoresque, operi intendunt suo: unaque omnes satagunt, ut communi velut in Athenaeo Nobiles, Academiae Alumni exerceantur. Singulis autem Fornicibus, congruum cuique Arti Symbolum praefixum est, figura sempervaria, manente semper Totulo eodem: Omnis in unum. Totam denique Porticuum summitatem, pro Acroteriis Trophaea eminenter ornant, ex singularum Artium Doctrinarumque Instrumentis composita.”
- 82.
Tesauro 1671, 197: “Silenus Socratis, extime deformis, intime repletis Gemmis, quae de aperto pectoris spiraculo pellucent[.]”
- 83.
Tesauro 1671, 194: “omnesque palam erudit, quicquid singuli didicerunt. Argutissime igitur cylindricum speculum pro Heroico Academia Tuae symbolo commentus es, inscripto Titulo, Omnis in unum. Nam quemadmodum informes passimque solo dispersi Characteres, ubi omnes in unum Speculum coiverint, mira quadam luminis virtute integrati, perfectissime conformantur: ita tot Ingenia, genio dissimila, quae singulatim jacerent; eruditio unius Academiae illuminata commercio, absolutam undequaque speciem, conspicuamque consequentur.”
- 84.
Palazzo 1679, 102: “un Pardo, e racchiusa in un Cilindro, natura del quale è, unire le cose disperse. Sotto figura de Satiri, che d’intorno faltellano, sono i popoli tramutati in Satiri di costumi dall’esempio del comandamte.” I am grateful to Judit Sebö for having brought this example to my attention, and for having shared with me her unpublished work on the Heckenauer engraving.
Bibliography
Bacou, Roseline, and Jacob Bean. 1988. Le dessin à Rome au XVII siècle. Paris: Editions de la Réunion des Musées Nationaux.
Baltrušaitis, Jurgis. 1977. Anamorphic Art. Cambridge: Chadwyck-Healy.
Beaujean, Dieter, and Simon Turner. 2020. Hollstein’s German Engravings, Etchings and Woodcuts 1400–1700, vol. XCVI: Hans and Peter Troschel. Ouderkerk aan den IJssel: Sound & Vision Publishers.
Bellini, Eraldo. 2000. Agostino Mascardi tra “ars poetica” e “ars historica”. Milan: Vita e Pensiero.
Berger, Susanna. 2014. The Invention of Wisdom in Jean Chéron’s Illustrated Thesis Print. Intellectual History Review 24-3: 343–366.
———. 2017. The Art of Philosophy: Visual Thinking in Europe from the Late Renaissance to the Early Enlightenment. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Bissell, Raymond Ward. 2011. Simon Vouet, Raphael, and the Accademia di San Luca in Rome. Artibus et Historiae 63: 55–72.
Bonfait, Olivier. 2011. Vouet et le milieu des lettrés autour des Barberini. In Simon Vouet en Italie, ed. Olivier Bonfait and Hélène Rousteau-Chambon. Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes.
Bonfait, Olivier, and Hélène Rousteau-Chambon, eds. 2011. Simon Vouet en Italie. Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes.
Bouzy, Christian. 2001. El Tesoro de la Lengua: un cas d’éléphantiasis emblématique de la citation. Cahiers d’études romanes 5: 49–71.
Brejon de Lavergnée, Barbara. 1980. Portraits des poètes italiens par Simon Vouet et Claude Mellan à Rome. Revue de l’art 50: 51–57.
———. 1990. Simon Vouet et le dessin. In Vouet, ed. Jacques Thuillier, Barbara Brejon de Lavergnée, and Denis Lavalle. Paris: Réunion des musées nationaux.
———. 2008. Vouet dessinateur en Italie. In Simon Vouet (les années italiennes 1613/1627), ed. Stéphanie Méséguer. Paris: Hazan.
Carboneri, Nino, and Andreina Griseri. 1966. Giovenale Boetto. Fossano: Risparmio.
Ceccarelli, Giuseppe. 1946. I Sacchetti. Rome: Istituto di Studi Romani.
Chastel, André. 1996. French Art: The Ancien Régime, 1620–1775. Paris: Flammarion.
Cordellier, Dominique, Pierre Rosenberg, and Peter Märker, eds. 2007. Dessins Français du Musée de Darmstadt, XVIe, XVIIe et XVIIIe Siècles: Hessisches Landesmuseum Darmstadt Graphische Sammlung. Montreuil: Gourcuff Gradenigo.
Crelly, William R. 1962. The Paintings of Simon Vouet. New Haven: Yale University Press.
De Marchi, Rebecca, and Stéphane Garnero. 1997. La Vigna del Cardinal Maurizio: Il Racconto di Villa della Regina. Turin: Beppe Grande.
De Rosa, Agostino, ed. 2013. Jean François Niceron. Prospettiva, cattotrica e magia artificiale. Rome: Aracne.
De Rosa, Agostino, and Alessio Bortot. 2019. Anamorphosis: Between Perspective and Catoptrics. In Handbook of the Mathematics of the Arts and Sciences, ed. Bharath Sriraman, 1–47. Dordrecht: Springer.
di Barme, Celia Arnaldi, and Franca Varallo. 2009. Feste barocche: Cerimonie e spettacoli alla corte dei Savoia tra Cinque e Settecento. Cinisello Balsamo: Silvana.
di Macco, Michela. 1995. ‘L’ornamento del Principe’. Cultura figurativo di Muarizio di Savoia (1619-1627). In Le Collezioni di Carlo Emmanuele I di Savoia, ed. Giovanni Romano, 349–374. Turin: Fondazione CRT.
di Macco, Michela, and Giovanni Romano, eds. 1989. Diana trionfatrice: Arte di corte nel Piemonte del Seicento. Turin: Umberto Allemandi.
Dimova, Temenuzhka. 2015. Une anamorphose révélée par le langage des doigts chez Simon Vouet. Interstudia 17: 215–224.
Dupré, Sven. 2008. Images in the Air: Optical Games, Magic, and Imagination. In Spirits Unseen: The Representation of Subtle Bodies in Early Modern European Culture, ed. Christine Göttler and Wolgang Neuber, 71–90. Leiden/Boston: Brill.
Failla, Maria Beatrice, and Clara Goria. 2003. Committenti d’età barocca: le collezioni del principe Emanuele Filiberto di Savoia a Palermo e la decorazione di Palazzo Taffini d’Acceglio a Savigliano. Turin: Umberto Allemandi.
Feingold, Mordechai, ed. 2003. The New Science and Jesuit Science: Seventeenth Century Perspectives. Dordrecht: Springer.
Ficacci, Luigi, ed. 1989. Claude Mellan, gli anni romani: un incisore tra Vouet et Bernini. Rome: Multigrafica.
Fischer, Hubertus, Volker R. Remmert, and Joachim Wolschke-Buhlman, eds. 2016. Gardens, Knowledge, and the Sciences in the Early Modern Period. Dordrecht: Springer.
Gal, Ofer, and Raz Chen-Morris. 2013a. Baroque Science. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
———, eds. 2013b. Science in the Age of Baroque. Dordrecht: Springer.
Garrod, Raphaële. 2021. Introduction: Descartes Re-imagined: Ingenuity Before and Beyond Dualism. In Descartes and the Ingenium: The Embodied Soul in Cartesianism, ed. Raphaële Garrod with Alexander Marr. Leiden/Boston: Brill.
Gauna, Chiara. 2014. L’‘iconomantia’ d’Emanuele Tesauro: Paroles et images à la coeur de Savoie. Dix-septiéme siècle 262-1: 125–138.
Gensini, Stefano, and Arturo Martone, eds. 2002. Ingenium propria hominis natura. Naples: Liguori.
Giovanetti, Marcello. 1630. Discorso dello specchio. In Saggi accademici, ed. Agostino Mascardi, 107–113. Venice: Bartolomeo Fontania.
Gómez López, Susana. 2016. The Encounter of the Emblematic Tradition with Optics: The Anamorphic Elephant of Simon Vouet. Nuncius 31-2: 288–331.
Hänsli, Thomas. 2008. ‘Omnis in unum’: Inganno, Argutezza, und Ingegno als kunsttheoretische Kategorien bei Emanuele Tesauro und Andrea Pozzo. In Wissenformen, ed. Werner Oechslin. Zurich: Stiftung Bibliothek Wener Oechslin.
Hédelin, François. 1627. Des satyres brutes, monstres et demons: De leur nature et adoration contre l’opinion de ceux qui ont estimé les satyres estre une espece d’hommes distincts & separez des adamicques. Paris: Nicolas Buon.
Kaufmann, Lynn F. 1984. The Noble Savage: Satyrs and Satyr Families in Renaissance Art. Ann Arbor: UMI Research Press.
Kolrud, Kristine. 2015. The Gem and the Mirror of Heroic Virtue: Emanuele Tesauro and the Heroic at the Court of Savoy. In Shaping Heroic Virtue: Studies in the Art and Politics of Supereminence in Europe and Scandinavia, ed. Stefano Fogelberg Rota and Andreas Hellerstedt. Leiden: Brill.
La Blanchardière, Noëlle. 1972. Simon Vouet: Prince de l’Académie de Saint-Luc. Bulletin de la Société de l’histoire de l’art français 1972: 79–93.
Loire, Stéphane, ed. 1992. Simon Vouet: actes du colloque international, Galeries nationales du Grand Palais 5-6-7 février 1991. Paris: La Documentation Française.
Maggi, Armando. 2005. The World’s Self-Portrait in Blood. The Shroud of Turin as Ecstatic Mirror in Emanuele Tesauro’s Baroque Sacred Panegyrics. The Journal of Religion 85-4: 582–608.
Marr, Alexander. 2006. Introduction. In Curiosity and Wonder from the Renaissance to the Enlightenment, ed. R.J.W. Evans and Alexander Marr, 1–20. Aldershot: Ashgate.
———. 2010. The Flemish ‘Pictures of Collections’ Genre: An Overview. Intellectual History Review 20–1: 5–25.
———. 2011. Between Raphael and Galileo: Mutio Oddi and the Mathematical Culture of Late Renaissance Italy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
———. 2015. Crowned with Harmless Fire. A New Look at Descartes. The Times Literary Supplement, March 13, 14–15.
———. 2021. The Face of Ingenium: Simon Vouet’s Portrait of Descartes. In Descartes and the Ingenium: The Embodied Soul in Cartesianism, ed. Raphaële Garrod with Alexander Marr, 204–216. Leiden/Boston: Brill.
Marr, Alexander and Vera Keller ed. 2014. Early Modern Invention. Special Issue of Intellectual History Review, 24–3.
Marr, Alexander, Raphaële Garrod, José Ramòn Marcaída, and Richard J. Oosterhoff. 2018. Logodaedalus: Word Histories of Ingenuity in Early Modern Europe. Pittsburgh: Pittsburg University Press.
Massey, Lyle. 2007. Picturing Space, Displacing Bodies. Anamorphosis in Early Modern Theories of Perspective. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press.
Merolla, Riccardo. 1995. L’Accademia dei Desiosi. Roma moderna e contemporanea 3-1: 121–155.
Mersenne, Marin. 1627. Traité de l’harmonie universelle. Paris: Guillaume Baudry.
Méséguer, Stéphanie, ed. 2008. Simon Vouet: les années italiennes 1613/1627. Paris: Hazan.
Meyer, Véronique. 1990. Les frontispices de thèses: Un exemple de collaboration entre peintres italiens et graveurs français. In Seicento. La peinture italienne du xviie siècle et la France, 105–123. Paris: La Documentation française.
Mirollo, James V. 1963. The Poet of the Marvelous: Giambattista Marino. New York: Columbia University Press.
Mossetti, Cristina. 2007. La Villa della Regina. Turin: Umberto Allemandi.
Niceron, Jean François. 1638. La perspective curieuse. Paris: Pierre Billaine.
Oberli, Matthias. 1999. “Magnificentia principis”: Das Mäzenatentum des Prinzen und Kardinals Maurizio von Savoyen (1593–1657). Weimar: VDG.
Oresko, Robert. 1997. The House of Savoy in Search of a Royal Crown in the Seventeenth Century. In Royal and Republican Sovereignty in Early Modern Europe: Essays in Memory of Ragnhild Hatton, ed. R. Oresko, G. C. Gibbs and H. M. Scott, 272–350. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Orsi, Laura. 1994. The Emblematic Elephant: A Preliminary Approach to the Elephant in Renaissance Thought and Art. Anthropozoologica 20: 69–86.
Osborne, Toby. 2007. Dynasty and Diplomacy in the Court of Savoy: Political Culture and the Thirty Years’ War. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Palazzo, Giovanni. 1679. Aquila Romana, ouero, Monarchia occidentale. Venice: The author.
Pampalone, Antonella. 2015. Cerimonie di laurea nella Roma barocca. Pietro da Cortona e i frontespizi ermetici di tesi. Rome: Gangemi Editore.
Panofsky, Erwin. 1956. Galileo as a Critic of the Arts: Aesthetic Attitude and Scientific Thought. Isis 47-1: 3–15.
Préaud, Maxime. 1992. Simon Vouet, Claude Mellan et le cardinal Maurice de Savoie. In Simon Vouet: actes du colloque international, Galeries nationales du Grand Palais 5-6-7 février 1991, ed. Stéphane Loire, 557–562. Paris: La Documentation française.
Randi, Luigi. 1901. Il Principe Cardinale Maurizio di Savoia. Florence: Salesiana.
Remmert, Volker R. 2011. Picturing the Scientific Revolution: Title Engravings in Early Modern Scientific Publications. Philadelphia: Saint Joseph’s University Press.
Renn, Jürgen, ed. 2002. Galileo in Context. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Ribouillault, Denis. 2018. Hortus Academicus: Les academies de la renaissance et les jardins. In Des jardins et des livres, ed. Michael Jakob, 23–34. Geneva: Mètis Press.
Rice, Louise. 1999. Jesuit Thesis Prints and the Festive Academic Defense at the Collegio Romano. In The Jesuits: Cultures, Sciences, and the Arts, 1540–1773, ed. John W. O’Malley, Gauvin Alexander Bailey, Steven J. Harris, and T. Frank Kennedy, 148–169. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
———. 2007. Pomis sua nomina servant: The Emblematic Thesis Prints of the Roman Seminary. Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 70: 195–246.
———. 2009. Simon Vouet’s Hesperus and the Mythopoetics of Praise. In Dialogues in Art History, from Mesopotamian to Modern: Readings for a New Century, ed. Elizabeth Cropper, 236–251. New Haven/London: National Gallery of Art.
———. 2017. Poussin’s Elephant. Renaissance Quarterly 70–2: 548–593.
Rima, Beatrice. 1991. Lo specchio e il suo enigma: vita di un tema intorno di Tasso e Marino. Padua: Antenore.
Ripa, Cesare. 1625. Iconologia. Padua: Pietro Paolo Tozzi.
Rodari, Florian. 2015. Claude Mellan, l’écriture de la méthode. Milan: 5 Continents.
Roling, Bernd. 2010. Drachen und Sirenen: Die Rationalisierung und Abwicklung der Mythologie an den europäischen Universitäten. Leiden/Boston: Brill.
Ronzani, Rocco. 2013. Dell’impresa dell’elefante. L’arme del cardinale Petrocchini nell’erudizione dei secoli XVI-XVII. In Il Cardinale Montelpare. Atti del convegno, ed. AAVV, 65–97. Teramo: Archivio Diocesano di San Benedetto del Tronto.
Sannazaro, Jacopo. 2009. Latin Poetry. Trans. Michael C.J. Putnam. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Schleier, Eric. 2008. Les commanditaires de Vouet à Rome. In Simon Vouet (les années italiennes 1613/1627), ed. Stéphanie Méséguer, 67–80. Paris: Hazan.
Schnapper, Antoine. 1988. Le géant, la licorne, la tulipe: Collections françaises au XVIIe siècle. Paris: Flammarion.
———. 1994. Curieux du grand siècle. Collections et collectionneurs dans la France du XVIIe siècle. Paris: Flammarion.
Snyder, Jon R. 2017. Strokes of Wit: Theorizing Beauty in Baroque Italy. In Aesthetic Philosophy After Early Modernity, ed. Paul A. Kottman, 194–226. New York: Fordham University.
Solinas, Francesco. 1992. Ferrante Carlo, Simon Vouet et Cassiano dal Pozzo. Notes et documents inédits su la période romaine. In Simon Vouet: actes du colloque international, Galeries nationales du Grand Palais 5–6-7 février 1991, ed. Stéphane Loire, 135–147. Paris: La Documentation française.
Sprat, Thomas. 1722 [1677]. The History of the Royal Society of London. 3rd ed. London: Samuel Chapman.
Tesauro, Emanuele. 1654. Il Cannocchiale aristotelico. Turin: Giovanni Sinibaldo.
———. 1659. Panegyrici. Turin: Bartolomeo Zavatta.
———. 1670. Il Cannocchiale aristotelico. Turin: Bartolomeo Zavatta.
———. 1671. Inscriptiones. Cologne: Georg Schultz.
Thuillier, Jacques, Barbara Brejon de Lavergnée, and Denis Lavalle, eds. 1990. Vouet. Paris: Réunion des musées nationaux.
Vagnoni, Deborah. 2008. Motivi iconologici e immagini simboliche nel Diario dell’Accademia dei Desiosi di Maurizio di Savoia. In L’Accademia dei Desiosi. Storia e testo, ed. Riccardo Merolla, 130–151. Rome: Carocci editore.
Vaulezard, Jean-Louis. 1630. Perspective cylindrique et conique. Paris: Julian Jacquin.
Vidal, Fernando. 2011. The Sciences of the Soul: The Early Modern Origins of Psychology. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Wazbinski, Zygmunt. 1992. Simon Vouet et le cardinal Francesco del Monte: une hypthèse sur le mécénat d’Henri IV à Rome. In Simon Vouet: actes du colloque international, Galeries nationales du Grand Palais 5-6-7 février 1991, ed. Stéphane Loire, 159–167. Paris: La Documentation française.
Zirpolo, Lilian H., ed. 2005. Ave Papa/Ave Papabile: The Sacchetti Family, Their Art Patronage, and Political Aspirations. Toronto: Center for Reformation and Renaissance Studies.
Author information
Authors and Affiliations
Corresponding author
Editor information
Editors and Affiliations
Rights and permissions
Copyright information
© 2021 The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG
About this chapter
Cite this chapter
Marr, A. (2021). A Mirror of Wisdom: Simon Vouet’s Satyrs Admiring the Anamorphosis of an Elephant and Its Afterlives. In: Berger, S., Garber, D. (eds) Teaching Philosophy in Early Modern Europe. Archimedes, vol 61. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-84621-3_10
Download citation
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-84621-3_10
Published:
Publisher Name: Springer, Cham
Print ISBN: 978-3-030-84620-6
Online ISBN: 978-3-030-84621-3
eBook Packages: Religion and PhilosophyPhilosophy and Religion (R0)