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Jews, Muslims, and Christians in Late Medieval Society: The Case of Ávila

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Interfaith Relationships and Perceptions of the Other in the Medieval Mediterranean

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Abstract

Based on extant sources, this article, a humble contribution to a book in honor of Olivia Remie Constable, explores the different vectors along which members of religious minorities and Christians traded, shared urban spaces, and met with increased restrictions on their interactions. Looking at transactions, urban inhabitation, and judicial records, I try to reconstruct the tenor of civic and religious co-operation (what Nirenberg and others have described as the co-production of religion) in the late-thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries, as well as periods of strife and persecution against the context of civil wars, noble violence, and contested minorities. Although this article takes a general view of conditions in late medieval Castile, the emphasis is on a case study of the city of Ávila. Unlike other urban centers in Castile and other peninsular realms, Ávila did not experience waves of violence in 1350 or in 1391. Inquisitorial activity was insignificant in the city. Ávila became a favorite location for relocation of persecuted conversos and for re-fashioning one’s identity from converso to assimilated Christian, as was the case with St. Theresa of Ávila. The question I try to answer is why, and I would argue that the economic structure of the city determined the nature of its intra-religious relations.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    José Amador de los Ríos, Historia social, política y religiosa de los judíos de España y Portugal (Madrid: Aguilar, reprint 1973), 1029–31. Discussed in detail by Angus MacKay in his “Popular Movements and Pogroms in Fifteenth Century Castile,” Past & Present 55 (1972): 33–67.

  2. 2.

    I have examined some of these sources in my previous work, Crisis and Continuity: Land and Town in Late Medieval Castile (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994); From Heaven to Earth: The Reordering of Castilian Society in the Late Middle Ages, 1150–1350 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2004); and “Trading with the ‘Other’: Economic Exchanges Between Jews, Muslims, and Christians in Late Medieval Castile,” in Medieval Spain: Culture, Conflict, and Coexistence. Studies in Honour of Angus MacKay (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 63–78. Here I focus on a larger body of evidence (chronologically and thematically) within a more extensive interpretative context. If I were to write these works today, my conclusions and the nature of the findings would be much different and better. Ávila historians, notably Ángel Barrios García, José María Monsalvo Antón, Ana Echevarría, and others, have collaborated on the impressive publication of Ávila’s documents, now available to scholars in many volumes as Fuentes históricas abulenses, as well as on important monographic literature. The Fuentes’ many volumes provide an almost inexhaustible mine of new information for Ávila in general and for the city’s religious minorities in particular.

  3. 3.

    Yitzhak Baer, A History of the Jews in Christian Spain (Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society, 1966), 2: 398–423. See also Henry C. Lea, A History of the Inquisition of Spain, 4 vols. (New York: The Macmillan Co., 1906–1907). Lea’s history remains the most thorough examination of the Inquisition in Spain.

  4. 4.

    See my “Judíos y cristianos en el ámbito urbano bajomedieval: Ávila y Burgos, 1200–1350” in Xudeos e conversos na historia. Actas do Congreso Internacional (Santiago de Compostela: Deputación de Orense, 1994), 2: 69–93.

  5. 5.

    Beyond the chronological terminus of this article, Serafín de Tapia, “Los judíos de Ávila en vísperas de la expulsión,” Sefarad 57, no. 1 (1997): 135–78, examines the 1483 record of fiscal contributions (now published in the Fuentes). De Tapia calculates close to 300 Jews as heads of household; see pp. 139–43, 161. As to contributions, de Tapia argues that while Christians represented 75% of the population, their contributions amounted to only 33% of the taxes raised by the Crown. Jews, only 17% of the population, contributed 44.3%, while Muslims, only 8% of the entire population in the 1480s, contributed 22% to the tax assessment. See page 136 et passim.

  6. 6.

    Further south in Andalucía, Seville’s aljama made substantial fiscal contributions to the Crown until 1391. After that year’s violence, the number of Jews and Muslims dwindled to almost nothing. Antonio Collantes de Terán has argued for a Jewish population of between 450 and 500 vecinos in the late fourteenth century, which is quite a large population, though inferior, according to de Tapia, to that of Ávila in 1483. None or very few remained after 1391, replaced by a large converso population, clustered around the Barrio de Santa Cruz. As to Muslims, their numbers were negligible and difficult to assert (32 vecinos in the late fifteenth century). See Antonio Collantes de Terán, Sevilla en la baja edad media: la ciudad y sus hombres (Sevilla: Excelentísimo Ayuntamiento de Sevilla, 1977), 206–11.

  7. 7.

    See Maya Soifer Irish, Jews and Christians in Medieval Castile: Tradition, Coexistence, and Change (Washington, DC: The Catholic University of America Press, 2016). For taxes see 108–9, 124–25, 204–5 et passim. For estimating the population from the taxes paid by Jews, see 68–69.

  8. 8.

    Amador de los Ríos, Historia, 916–31; Francisco J. Hernández, Las rentas del Rey: sociedad y fisco en el reino castellano del siglo XIII (Madrid: Fundación Ramón Areces, 1993), 1: CXLII–CXLIII et passim.

  9. 9.

    See sections by Hilario Casado Alonso, Juan A. Bonachía, and Teofilo F. Ruiz in Carlos Estepa, Teófilo F. Ruiz. Juan A. Bonachía, and Hilario Casado, Burgos en la Edad Media (Valladolid: Junta de Castilla y León, 1984), 117–19; 250–52; also Ángel Barrios García’s pioneering Estructuras agrarias y de poder en Castilla. El ejemplo de Ávila (1085–1320), 2 vols. (Salamanca: Ediciones “Gran Duque de Alba,” 1983), 1: 125–43, and the multi-volume Historia de Ávila, ed. Gregorio del Ser Quijano et al. Of particular interest here is volume 3, Edad Media, siglos XIV–XV (Ávila: Institución Gran Duque de Alba, 2006). For Ávila’s Jews, see Pilar León Tello’s book, Judíos de Ávila (Ávila: Institución Gran Duque de Alba, 1963). Besides providing a short introduction and the editing of several royal documents dealing with Jewish rights, obligations, and administrative matters in Ávila, she includes an extensive catalog of documents related to Jewish life in the city beyond 1492.

  10. 10.

    Censo de población de las provincias y partidos de la corona de Castilla en el siglo XVI (Madrid: Imprenta Real, 1829), 1, 7, 57, 61, 70–71. Toledo had 5898 contributing vecinos in 1530 and 10,983 in 1594. Burgos counted 1500 vecinos in 1530 and 2665 in 1594 (after a slight recovery), while Ávila had 1523 in 1530 and 2826 in 1594, overtaking Burgos in both censos.

  11. 11.

    See note 5 above. According to Serafín de Tapia, based on the 1483 tax document, the Jewish population of Ávila (close to 300 heads of household multiplied by 4 or 4.5 coefficient) must have exceeded 1000 people. If they represented 17% of the population, as de Tapia argues, then Ávila’s entire population was easily above 6000 inhabitants by the end of the fifteenth century.

  12. 12.

    For the population (and Jewish population) of Burgos around 1300 see Burgos en la Edad Media, 150, 371–72.

  13. 13.

    For a discussion of the 1391 violence see David Nirenberg, Neighboring Faiths: Christianity, Islam, and Judaism in the Middle Ages and Today (Chicago & London: University of Chicago Press, 2014).

  14. 14.

    Baer, A History of the Jews in Christian Spain, 1: 49–52, et passim.

  15. 15.

    Baer, A History of the Jews in Christian Spain, 1: 243–378.

  16. 16.

    See Francisco Hernández’s comments in his Las rentas del rey, 1: CXXXIII–CXXXV.

  17. 17.

    Archivo de la Catedral de Burgos (ACB), vol. 41: 2, fol. 374 (9-VII-1305).

  18. 18.

    See below. There is a vast literature on Muslims (mudéjares ) in Ávila. See, inter alia, the pioneering and excellent work of Ana Echevarría Arsuaga, “Los Caro de Ávila, una familia de alfaquíes y comerciantes mudéjares en el siglo XV: redes de poder y conflictos internos,” in Biografías mudéjares. La experiencia de ser minoría: biografías islámicas en la España cristiana, ed. Ana Echevarría (Madrid: CSIC, 2008), 203–32 and her The City of the Three Mosques: Ávila and its Muslims in the Middle Ages, trans. C. López Morillas (Wiesbaden: Reichert Verlaag, 2011); also Serafín de Tapia, La comunidad morisca de Ávila (Ávila & Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca, 1991).

  19. 19.

    For further sources for this section see Barrios García’s Documentación medieval de la catedral de Ávila (Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca, 1981), hereafter DMA. In 1979 I read, purchased a xerox copy, and began to transcribe a Becerro de visitaciones de casas y heredades from the Archivo Histórico Nacional, Sección Clero, códice 484B. It was shortly afterwards (1981) edited and published by Barrios García in his DMA, 211–481 in a far better edition and paleographical reconstruction that I would have ever done. This is one of the most important sources for the ecclesiastical, economic, and social history of medieval Castile in general and Ávila in particular. Barrios García subsequently republished the Becerro as part of a larger project that edits and provides in print most of the documentation for medieval Ávila: Ángel Barrios García, ed. Becerro de visitaciones de casa y heredades de la Catedral de Ávila (Ávila: Ediciones de la Institución “Gran Duque de Alba” de la Excma. Diputación Provincial de Ávila: Ediciones de la Obra Cultural de la Caja de Ahorros de Ávila, 2005). See also Tomás Sobrino Chomón, ed., Documentos de la catedral de Ávila (1301–1355) (Ávila: Institución Duque de Alba, 2009), and Tomás Sobrino Chomón, ed., Documentos de la catedral de Ávila (1356–1400) (Ávila: Institución Duque de Alba, 2010).

  20. 20.

    For my work on Ávila almost twenty years ago see my Crisis and Continuity: Land and Town in Late Medieval Castile, 177–78, 227–31, et passim; and From Heaven to Earth: The Reordering of Castilian Society in the Late Middle Ages, 1150–1350, 83, 99, et passim.

  21. 21.

    DMA, doc. 184 (12 August 1299).

  22. 22.

    Gershom Scholem, Kabbalah (New York: Dorset Press, 1974), 57. León Tello, Judíos de Ávila, 7–8.

  23. 23.

    Gershom G. Scholem, Major Trends in Jewish Mysticism (New York: Schocken Books, 1973), 190–91. Would this Joseph be one of the numerous Yuçafs in the Ávila documentation, including a royal agent in the early thirteenth century? When Abraham Elguer and his wife Oro Sol sold property to Pascual Sánchez, cleric of San Vicente of Ávila, the property was adjacent to houses owned by Abraham, the rabbi. DMA doc. 183, pp. 183–84 (28 July 1299).

  24. 24.

    See Julio Valdeón Baruque, Los conflictos sociales en el reino de Castilla en los siglos XIV y XV (Madrid: Siglo XXI, 1975).

  25. 25.

    Drawing from numerous sources, printed and manuscript alike, with the usual duplication, it is not always easy to provide a final number. If it seems low for the long expanse of time being considered, one ought to remember the nature of ecclesiastic archives that served, almost exclusively, as repositories for property purchased or donated to the cathedral of Ávila.

  26. 26.

    For Blasco Blázquez and a detailed account of his purchases and sellers see Ruiz, Crisis and Continuity, 151–54.

  27. 27.

    As for trades, other economic activities, and a comparison with Burgos see Ruiz, Crisis and Continuity, 229, 278–79.

  28. 28.

    DMA, doc. 40: 35–37.

  29. 29.

    DMA, doc. 169: 163–64. For a discussion of many of these transactions, see my “Trading with the ‘Other’: Economic Exchanges Between Jews, Muslims, and Christians in Late Medieval Castile,” 63–78.

  30. 30.

    DMA, doc. 184: 185–87. “Esto fiz yo Haçan, el moro dicho, ante mi sennor don Blasco el sobredicho, que se otorgó por mi sennor e yo por su moro.”

  31. 31.

    DMA, docs. 170, 171, 176, 177, 179, 180, 182–84: 164–87. See doc. 170 for Yuçef de Cancres, “vezino e morador de Ávila.” See also Cándido María Ajo González y Sáinz de Zúñiga, Inventario general de los archivos de la diócesis de Ávila… (Madrid: CSIC, Institución Alonso de Madrigal, 1962), doc. 30: 105 for “judio del rey.”

  32. 32.

    DMA, doc. 174: 170–71; doc. 181: 180–81. In this last transaction three Jews, a father, Çag Almanner, and his two sons, Yago and Mosse, served as guarantors for the sale. These Jews are not included among those listed above.

  33. 33.

    DMA, doc. 177: 174–76.

  34. 34.

    DMA, doc. 179: 176–78.

  35. 35.

    DMA, docs. 180 and 184: 178–79 and 185–87.

  36. 36.

    Besides the DMA version, as explained in note 19 above, Barrios García has more recently edited and published a revised version of the Becerro de visitaciones de casas y heredades de la catedral de Ávila as part of the Fuentes históricas abulenses # 64 (hereafter Becerro de Visitaciones), which will be cited in this section.

  37. 37.

    See my From Heaven to Earth, chapter 4.

  38. 38.

    Becerro de Visitaciones, 27–36 and 193–222.

  39. 39.

    Becerro de Visitaciones, 31, 33, 36, 193, 202, 210–12, 217, 222 et passim.

  40. 40.

    Becerro de Visitaciones, 36, 45–47, 84, 144 for religious minorities and rural property; 34, 200, 206 for rabbis, butcher shops, and water damage.

  41. 41.

    Documentos de la catedral de Ávila (1301–1355), # 17 (1301), houses in the Yuradero (or Juradero) neighborhood in Ávila; # 62 (1314), houses in the same neighborhood, # 66 (1314); # 74 (1315); 79 (1315) # 84 (1316). The Muslim sale took place in 1315, # 71.

  42. 42.

    Documentos de la catedral de Ávila (1301–1355), # 140 (1341, 1342), 282–86.

  43. 43.

    Documentos de la catedral de Ávila (1301–1355), # 3, 4, 23, and 24 (1301).

  44. 44.

    Echevarría Arsuaga, “Los Caro de Ávila, una familia de alfaquíes y comerciantes mudéjares en el siglo XV,” 203–32; see also Serafín de Tapia, La comunidad morisca de Ávila.

  45. 45.

    Documentos de la catedral de Ávila (1356–1400), # 83 (1379) and # 94 (1387). This does not include the documents listed by Pilar León Tello, Judíos de Ávila, 120–21, listing five rental agreements between 1391–1393, one of them by a Jewish woman.

  46. 46.

    León Tello, Judíos de Ávila, 120–21.

  47. 47.

    Documentos de la catedral de Ávila (1356–1400), # 43 (1371), 53 (1373), 69 (1375).

  48. 48.

    The definition of vecino comes from Richard Ibarra’s chapter of his forthcoming thesis (based upon Tamar Herzog’s Defining Nations): “Vecinos, or denizens, were incorporated members of a particular community (whether a city, town, or village). Their membership came with a number of privileges, such as access to communal lands and some participation in local governance, as well as some duties, including potential taxes and military service to the community.”

  49. 49.

    See my “Judíos y cristianos en el ámbito urbano bajomedieval: Ávila y Burgos, 1200–1350,” 69–93, and an English revision in my Crisis and Continuity: Land and Town in Late Medieval Castile, 272–80.

  50. 50.

    For the economic profile of the Burgalese oligarchy see my “Burgos a principios del siglo XIV: Sociedad y economía,” in Expresiones del poder en la edad media. Homenaje a Juan Bonachía, eds. María Isabel del Val Valdivieso, Juan Carlos Martín Cea, and David Carvajal de la Vega (Burgos: Ediciones Universidad de Valladolid, 2019), 361–71.

  51. 51.

    José María Monsalvo Antón, Teoría y evolución de un conflicto social. El antisemitismo en la Corona de Castilla en la Baja Edad Media (Madrid: Siglo XXI, 1985). In 1480, as the Catholic Monarchs called the militia of Ávila to the Granada frontier, 114 knights of Ávila responded to the call. Seventy-one of them lived in the city proper and were described as fijosdalgos. Carmelo Luis López, ed., Documentación del archivo municipal de Ávila (1478–1487), vol. 3, Fuentes históricas abulenses 45 (Ávila: Institución Duque de Alba, 1999), # 271 (21 March 1480), 138–39.

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    Teofilo F. Ruiz

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    Sarah Davis-Secord

  2. Salisbury University, Salisbury, MD, USA

    Belen Vicens

  3. St. Thomas University, Fredericton, NB, Canada

    Robin Vose

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Ruiz, T.F. (2021). Jews, Muslims, and Christians in Late Medieval Society: The Case of Ávila. In: Davis-Secord, S., Vicens, B., Vose, R. (eds) Interfaith Relationships and Perceptions of the Other in the Medieval Mediterranean. Mediterranean Perspectives. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-83997-0_8

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