Abstract
As the institution responsible for exercising the state monopoly on violence within US borders, the legitimacy of policing depends on its accountability through the democratic process. Ideally, police in a democracy are authorized by the voting public to use force in a manner that is limited, justifiable, and clearly in service of the aims of public safety and law enforcement—in other words, to prevent the social harms associated with criminal behavior. A combination of factors including structural inequality, historical associations with white supremacy, and hyperlocal oversight structures present significant challenges to police legitimacy, especially in highly policed communities of color (Stoughton et al., 2020). Despite the existence of various models and mechanisms that provide the potential for meaningful community oversight of police activity, abolitionist perspectives that argue for a radically different approach to public safety are gaining strength. Enhancing police legitimacy and accountability therefore depends on reducing broader race-based social, political, and economic inequities; establishing consistent national standards for police practices; ensuring strong civilian oversight across jurisdictions; and promoting procedural justice as the fundamental guiding principle for police interactions with the communities they serve.
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Notes
- 1.
To say that the United States has a history of White supremacist governance is a simple statement of fact: the legal underpinnings of historical regimes such as slavery and Jim Crow segregation were explicitly white supremacist in their logic, rationale, and intent (Gates, 2019). Whether contemporary systems and structures of American governance—on the local, state, or federal level—are actively White supremacist is in most cases an arguable question, and an assertion not generally provable via reference to direct evidence in the form of laws or similar official documents. I choose to use the term in a contemporary context because it reflects my assessment of the indirect evidence (persistent race-based inequities across a wide range of social and economic indicators produced by approaches to governance that bolster White privilege, discriminatory and racist rhetoric on the part of elected officials, etc.), which I find overwhelmingly in support of its accuracy. See, e.g., Darity & Mullen, 2020.
- 2.
The subject of whether and when to capitalize the names of racial groups (primarily “White” and “Black”) has received considerable attention in recent discourse surrounding issues of racial justice. I follow here the APA standard, which is to capitalize the terms “White” and “Black” as proper names denoting racial categories. This is an editorial decision applied to this volume as a whole; my personal preference would be to follow the recent decision of the New York Times and capitalize “Black” while leaving “white” lower case. See Coleman, 2020 for a nuanced and comprehensive explanation of the Times’ decision in this matter, with which I concur.
- 3.
Jim Crow was an early nineteenth century stage caricature, performed by White actors in blackface, whose name became synonymous with the many negative stereotypes projected onto African Americans. The name was later used to categorize the suite of post-Reconstruction laws mandating racial segregation in the former Confederate states of the US South. These apartheid laws targeting African Americans persisted until the Civil Rights Movement of the 1960s. For a comprehensive history of the development of these laws, see Gates, 2019.
- 4.
Some 20 million Americans, or around 9% of the nation’s adult population, regularly carry guns in public. Around 66 million Americans, or about a third of the adult population, own guns, and two thirds of these cite personal protection as one of their reasons for doing so (Parker et al., 2017).
- 5.
Police abolition does not imply the abandonment of public safety or law enforcement, but rather is part of a larger abolitionist discourse that presents “a way of thinking about social justice that takes seriously the damaging power [...] of the criminal legal system [and] understands how it serves to create oppression rather than safety or protection” (Richie & Martensen, 2020, p. 14). It has become closely tied to a policy position that advocates defunding: “divesting money from the back end solution of policing and investing it on the front end” (Duffy Rice, 2020) in social programs that reduce crime by building community capacity. Importantly, most of its key proponents acknowledge the necessity of “professionals responsible with holding accountable those who violate the social contract in the extreme—rape or murder—and an improved investigative system to catch perpetrators” (Duffy Rice, 2020).
- 6.
Recent investigative journalism by the Marshall Project and its partners suggests that this phenomenon has not been consigned to history. Police dog bites continue to be an underexamined but particularly egregious form of police violence. See Van Sickle et al., 2020.
- 7.
“Officers personally satisfied just 0.02% of the more than $735 million awarded to plaintiffs over a six-year period in suits alleging constitutional violations and corresponding state tort claims, including assault, battery, false imprisonment, and intentional infliction of emotional distress.” (Schwartz, 2016, p. 1147).
- 8.
The most important of these is the Black Lives Matter movement, a rallying cry and organizing principle that arose from the protests in Ferguson, Missouri following the police killing of Michael Brown. The movement continues to be a powerful force in racial justice activism. See Lebron (2017).
- 9.
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Stageman, D.L. (2022). Enhancing Police Accountability and Legitimacy. In: Jeglic, E., Calkins, C. (eds) Handbook of Issues in Criminal Justice Reform in the United States. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-77565-0_4
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