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Racial Identity Among Blacks and Whites in the U.S.

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Identities in Action

Part of the book series: Frontiers in Sociology and Social Research ((FSSR,volume 6))

Abstract

This study uses identity theory, social identity theory, and life course theory to investigate influences on five aspects of Blacks’ and Whites’ racial identity: importance, salience, pride in the identity, verification, and perceived public respect for the identity. Data were from the Identity Module of the 2014 General Social Survey. As predicted, Blacks score higher than Whites on racial identity importance and salience, and Blacks are prouder of their racial group. Blacks’ racial identity is more often verified than Whites’, but they perceive less public respect for their group than Whites do. Social relationships (marriage or cohabitation, parenthood, and religious attendance) only selectively enhanced racial identity. Unexpectedly, loneliness was related to greater racial identity importance, salience (for Whites), pride in one’s group, and verification. As life course theory would predict, racial identity was stronger among the civil rights and older cohort than the post-civil rights cohort. For Black compared to White millennials, racial identity was more important and salient, and a greater source of pride.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Optimal distinctiveness theory in psychology provides a psychological rationale for expecting greater racial identity importance among Blacks than Whites . The theory proposes that people most identify with groups that satisfy their needs for inclusion and a sense of group distinctiveness (Leonardelli et al., 2010). For Blacks, identifying with a numerical racial minority group helps satisfy both needs. For Whites , identifying with their racial group helps satisfy a need for inclusion, but not for distinctiveness, because Whites are the majority group. Whites may satisfy a need for group distinctiveness by identifying with an ethnic group rather than their racial group . For Whites , however, this is a personal choice (Waters, 1990).

  2. 2.

    The Multidimensional Model of Racial Identity (MMRI) defines salience more situationally as “the extent to which a person’s race is a relevant part of his or her self-concept at a particular moment in time” (Rowley et al., 1998, p. 717). It depends on what is happening in a situation and how central a person’s racial identity is. Measures of racial identity based on the MMRI have not included salience (Sellers et al., 1998).

  3. 3.

    Initial models also included region of residence, residence in a rural area, employment status , income , and occupational prestige as background variables. Later models excluded them because they were unrelated to any racial identity dimension.

  4. 4.

    We also performed supplementary analyses to test whether southern residence at age 16 interacted with cohort or race to influence racial identity . None of the interactions with cohort or race were significant. Its only main effect was to strengthen racial identity verification .

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Authors and Affiliations

  1. Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, VA, USA

    K. Jill Kiecolt & Michael Hughes

  2. University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, MI, USA

    W. Carson Byrd

  3. Trinity Washington University, Washington, DC, USA

    Hans Momplaisir

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  1. K. Jill Kiecolt
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  2. W. Carson Byrd
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  3. Hans Momplaisir
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  4. Michael Hughes
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Correspondence to K. Jill Kiecolt .

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Editors and Affiliations

  1. Department of Sociology, University of Massachusetts Boston, Boston, MA, USA

    Philip S. Brenner

  2. Department of Sociology, University of California, Riverside, CA, USA

    Jan E. Stets

  3. Department of Sociology, Kent State University, Kent, OH, USA

    Richard T. Serpe

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Kiecolt, K.J., Byrd, W.C., Momplaisir, H., Hughes, M. (2021). Racial Identity Among Blacks and Whites in the U.S.. In: Brenner, P.S., Stets, J.E., Serpe, R.T. (eds) Identities in Action. Frontiers in Sociology and Social Research, vol 6. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-76966-6_4

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