Abstract
This essay presents Elisabeth of Bohemia’s intellectual trajectory as a completely consistent lifelong investigation. Elisabeth’s intellectual work has generally been parsed in a way that construes the years of her philosophical correspondence with Descartes, from 1643 to 1649, as the apex of her thinking life, after which her scholarly investigations were gradually subsumed into a morass of family quarrels and questionable forays into religion. This essay argues instead that throughout her thinking life, Elisabeth was always seeking to extract the strongest, brightest, clearest essences from all the branches of knowing that crossed her path—philosophical, scientific, mathematical, and religious—in order to answer one central question: How best to rule? By putting together what can be gleaned from a number of underutilized sources, a clearer picture emerges. It is the picture of a relentless, persistent, and eternally unsatisfied intellect, seeking for the answer she could never find, and which perhaps could never exist—a way to have her philosophical forays and Calvinist commitments work together to produce a clear pathway to truly ruling well.
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Notes
- 1.
Throughout a checkered career, the peripatetic mystic Jean de Labadie (1610–1674) had lurched from one religious identity to another—Jesuit, Jansenist, Calvinist, and Pietist—until he was finally a “Labadist”. In addition to being doctrinally controversial, Labadie was suspected of improprieties with respect to the women in his spiritual community, where gendered disparities of social rank (well-born women and men of artisanal status) made things that much worse. However, it is worth noting that some of the most impressive female scholars in early modern Europe—including Anna Maria van Schurman and the naturalist and artist Maria Sibylla Merian—eventually joined the Labadists. On Labadie, see Saxby 1987. See also the chapter on Labadie in Michel de Certeau 1992.
- 2.
When William Penn (1644–1718) first visited in 1671, the Labadists were there under Elisabeth’s shelter. Some similarities in practice had led many to conflate the Labadists with the Quakers—a mistake that both Penn and Labadie were anxious to correct.
- 3.
Penn 1700, 151.
- 4.
For more on this theme, see Lisa Shapiro’s essay in this volume.
- 5.
- 6.
On Elisabeth’s time at the exile court, and the beginnings of her relationship with Anna Maria van Schurman and other female scholars in The Hague, see Pal 2012, Chapter One.
- 7.
For new scholarship on Anna Maria van Schurman, see Mirjam de Baar’s contribution to this volume and most recently Larsen 2016.
- 8.
Socinianism was considered to be a heresy; it was an anti-Trinitarian theology that attempted to apply a rational approach to Scripture, treating the sacraments as symbolic acts. Moreover, “dissections and experiments” were quite literally the cutting edge of Baconian New Learning—and while we have no evidence that Sorbière’s claims were correct, these suspicions alone would have been cause for alarm (Sorbière 1694, 85–86).
- 9.
- 10.
- 11.
Lady Jane Grey (c. 1537–1554) ruled very briefly—only nine days, from 9–19 July 1553. She was executed in 1554. Queen Elizabeth I (1533–1603) on the other hand, ruled for 44 years.
- 12.
In Lisa Shapiro’s formulation, “Political philosophy is centrally concerned with matters of the public good, including the question of how to govern well, as well as with the most general question of how individuals are, and ought to be, related to others through institutions of various kinds.” S 35.
- 13.
Elisabeth to Descartes, 13 September, 1645. In S 109–111.
- 14.
Elisabeth to Descartes, 25 April, 1646. In S 132–134.
- 15.
It is not clear precisely when or how this request was made. But in a letter dated September, 1646, Descartes writes: “I read the book about which your Highness commanded me to write her my opinion…”, and this is followed by a discussion of The Prince. In S 139.
- 16.
Elisabeth had been compelled to leave The Hague and return to Germany in the wake of yet another family disaster. In 1646, her nineteen-year-old brother Prince Philip had stabbed and killed a rogue named L’Espinay in a public square in The Hague. The details remain somewhat murky, since they come from the gossipy Tallemant des Réaux. Although Elisabeth was not involved in the affair, her defense of her brother resulted in her being required to leave The Hague at once. On the episode with Philip, see: Tallemant des Réaux 1932–1934, 2:287–290. Elisabeth never returned to live in The Netherlands.
- 17.
Elisabeth to Descartes, 10 October [1646]. In S 144–147.
- 18.
On Elisabeth and Machiavelli, see Gianni Paganini’s essay in this volume.
- 19.
There have been numerous studies based on particular alba amicorum in various collections; however there is as yet no large-scale synthetic overview of the phenomenon. A classic study, based on material in the British Library, is Rosenheim 1910. More recent scholarship includes: Wilson 2012; and Keller 2011.
- 20.
Women’s signatures more often turned up in the related phenomenon of early modern women’s friendship albums. See Reinders 2017.
- 21.
Charlotte of Hesse-Kessel (1627–1686) also managed to incur her husband’s wrath by insisting on riding horses—something he saw as inappropriate behavior for women of her rank. He therefore enlisted his sisters Elisabeth and Sophie to spy on her activities and report back. See, for instance, Elisabeth’s letter to Karl Ludwig of 11/21 October, 1652, in which she accepts a temporary truce with her brother and then reports on the somewhat unusual activities of his wife, using English as their code. In Hauck 1908, 70–72.
- 22.
However, Elisabeth was not alone in being a female scholar interested in the writings of Lucretius; the deeply Calvinist Lucy Hutchinson (1620–1681) produced a full translation of De Rerum Natura. See Hutchinson 2012.
- 23.
“nihil dulcius est, bene quam munita tenere / editae doctrina sapientum templa serena / Despicere unde queas alios, passimque videre / Errare abque viam palantis querere vitae.” From Lucretius (c. 99–c.59 BCE), De Rerum Natura, 2: 7–13. In the album amicorum of Johann Ludwig Faber of Nuremberg. British Library, Egerton MS 1330, f. 6r. Translation by A.E. Stallings from Lucretius (2007).
- 24.
Descartes to Elisabeth, 1 September, 1645. In S 106–109.
- 25.
On the Abbey of Herford see Benecke 1974, 104–108. Also editors’ Introduction, and Miriam de Baar’s essay.
- 26.
“j’attendrai le succés de cette affaire en cette cour, pour ne vous point incommoder de ma presence.” Elisabeth, Cassel, to Karl Ludwig, 9/19 November, 1660. BL, Kings MS 140, ff. 211r–v.
- 27.
“s’il plait à Dieu que j’y vienne, j’espere d’y trouver les moyens de servir ceux qui vous apartiennent, et vous faire perdre la mauvaise humeur que vous avés contre moi, à quoi je travaillerai de toutes mes forces, le jugeant si déraisonnable que les personnes, que la Nature attache ensemble d’un lien si étroit, qu’aucune d’entr’elles ne sauroit nuire à l’autre sans en avoir du prejudice, peuvent demeurer des années en dissension, qu’il n’est rien, qui se peut faire en bonne conscience, que je ne fisse pour ôter ce scandale de nôtre maison.” BL, Kings MS 140, ff. 211r–v.
- 28.
Karl Ludwig, Heidelberg, to Elisabeth, 26 November, 1660. BL, Kings MS 140, ff. 211v–212r.
- 29.
“De quoi vous ne pouriés faire une penitence plus proportionnée au délict, que celle d’entreprendre à gouverner tant de sottes-têtes, comme vous aurés sous vôtre crosse, que je souhaite toûjours fleurissante d’amandes comme la verge d’Aaron.” BL, Kings MS 140, ff. 211v–212r. The reference is to Numbers 17:8.
- 30.
“je donne quelque croyance à vos protestations principalement lorsqu’elles se font de loin.” BL, Kings MS 140, ff. 211v-212r.
- 31.
Elisabeth to Descartes. 13 September, 1645. In S 109–111.
- 32.
Queen Elizabeth of Bohemia, to Karl Ludwig. 19/29 November [1660]. In Wendland, ed., 1902, 183–184.
- 33.
Elisabeth’s aunts Catherine Sophie (1595–1665) and Elisabeth Charlotte (1597–1660) were the sisters of her father, Frederick V. When Catherine Sophie died, Elisabeth wrote of her loss that there would never again be anyone in the world to love her as much as her aunt had done. (“il ne reviendra plus rien au monde pour m’aimer come madame la princesse Catherine a fait”). In Hauck 1908, 200. Her aunt Elisabeth Charlotte was the mother of Frederick William (1620–1688), the “Great Elector” of Brandenburg, and Hedwig Sophie (1623–1683), who married William VI, Landgrave of Hesse-Kassel. Elisabeth was very close with these cousins.
- 34.
Letters from Catherine Sophie to Queen Elizabeth of Bohemia, dated 5 April, 1 May, 31 May, 12 June, 28 June, and 9 August, 1661 (BL, Add. MS 21,522, ff. 62r–73v; Add MS 18,744, ff. 3r–4v).
- 35.
Catherine Sophie to Elizabeth of Bohemia, 21/31 May [1661]. “Je supplie VM den avoir soing, car elle faict beaucoup de depense pour labey et son frere ne luy veut rien ballier.” Add. MS 21,522, ff. 68r–69v.
- 36.
Catherine Sophie to Elizabeth of Bohemia, 29 July/9 August [1661]. “sa seur est alle a herfort pour y faire sa demeure, si lon luy pouvoit un peu ayder Car de vievre si mecaniquement se seroit une honte, encore que Monsieur lElecteur la veut entretiner Il faut quelle aye un peu de meuble en sa Maison Jespere que dieu y pourvoira, si elle eust seulement une chambre meuble de tapiserie et un lit Je Croy que VM la pouroit ayder en cela.” Add. MS 21,522, ff. 72r–73v.
- 37.
Sophie to Karl Ludwig, 9/19 June, 1661. Letter no. 46 in Bodemann 1885, 43. Elisabeth’s sister Sophie (1630–1714) was Electress of Hanover from 1692–1698. She married Ernest Augustus of Brunswick-Lüneburg in 1658, and her son George Louis became King George I of England in 1714.
- 38.
The Franco-Dutch War was waged between France and the Dutch Republic. France was supported by England and Sweden, while the Dutch Republic was supported by Spain and the Holy Roman Empire.
- 39.
Edward Hyde, 1st Earl of Clarendon (1609–1674), served King Charles II as Lord Chancellor from 1658 to 1667, when his downfall was brought about by political rivals, and he went into exile in France. Henry Coventry (1619–1686) was loyal to Clarendon, despite being the brother of William Coventry, one of Clarendon’s chief enemies. Henry Coventry served as Secretary of State from 1672 to 1680.
- 40.
Clarendon to Henry Coventry, [10?] May [1664]. Coventry Papers, Archives of the Marquess of Bath at Longleat.
- 41.
“ie voudrois obtenir la neutralité pour mes terres persońe me la refuse mais on m’envoye de l’un a lauttre et aucun ne veut estre le primier a me l’octroyer… ie ne scais si cela sufira mais ie suis resolue de ne point quiter ce lieu, tant que i’y auray a manger, mefiant a la providance Divine.” Elisabeth to Coventry, 2 May, 1673, Coventry Papers.
- 42.
The Bishop of Münster was Christoph Bernhard Freiherr von Galen (1606–1678). He switched sides in 1675 and abandoned the French cause.
- 43.
“on ma dit quil a fait preparer des bombes en poisonées qui tuent les homes par la puantent sans ruiner les maisons.” Elisabeth to Coventry, 7/17 May, 1674. Coventry Papers.
- 44.
“l’art de mal faire est arivé a un degre bien haut mais cela ne fait pas tant de pitie que de voir un prince qui se pert seullemt parce quil est trop bon maistre a des serviteurs qui le trahisent auplus offrent de chaque party.” Elisabeth to Coventry, 7/17 May, 1674. Coventry Papers.
- 45.
Here one thinks of course of Queen Christina bringing Descartes to Sweden.
- 46.
On the conversion of Anne Conway, see Sarah Hutton’s essay.
- 47.
Elisabeth to Kurfürst Friedrich Wilhelm von Brandburg, Herford, 21 August, 1670, in Hauck 1908, 15–16. Original in German. Translation by Kristin Rebien.
- 48.
The “two preachers” were Labadie and his assistant, Pierre Yvon. Elisabeth to Friedrich Wilhelm, in Hauck 1908, 15–16.
- 49.
Elisabeth to Friedrich Wilhelm. Hauck 1908, 156.
- 50.
This un-named addressee could not have been Clarendon, who was already in disgrace, and Elisabeth corresponded with Coventry in French.
- 51.
Elisabeth to “My Lord,” 11/21 May, 1671. “perchance my neerest kindred indevor to excuse theyr uniust dealing with me, with the calomny that I have new speculations as those persons that are come out of Holland, to have a new religion. Your Lordship will see by theyr confession which I send you heer ioined, that they only desire to reduce to practise that which has ever bin the Doctrine of the Reformed religion in Holland france & Switzerland, & perchance if many had the same desine all controverses in Religion would become usselesse & even cease to be. theyr building heer will not be disadvantagious to my family, nor expensive to me. because they will doe it at theyr owne expence. I need not contribute a farthing to it.” BL Additional MS 21,522, ff. 79r–80v.
- 52.
Elisabeth to “My Lord,” 11/21 May, 1671. BL Additional MS 21,522, ff. 79r–80v.
- 53.
On the Labadist years in Herford (1670–1672), see especially Saxby, 1987, chapter 9.
- 54.
“Il a pourtant cette bonne qualité, qu’il a assez d’argent pour batir l’abbey de ma soeur.” Sophie to Karl Ludwig, 5 November, 1670. In Bodemann 1885, 152–153.
- 55.
Paul Hachenburg’s pupil was Elisabeth’s nephew the Electoral Prince Charles Louis, one of the two surviving children born to her brother Karl Ludwig and his wife Charlotte. The material quoted comes from Hachenburg’s correspondence, as cited in Godfrey 1909, 314–319. Godfrey is in turn quoting the translation in Blaze de Bury, 361–369. Blaze de Bury agrees with Hachenberg’s assessments, Godfrey does not.
- 56.
“Vostre lettre a causé beaucoup de joye à Mad. l’Abbesse d’Herfort; elle est presentement le refuge de tous les oppressés.” Sophie to Karl Ludwig, 27 April, 1679. Bodemann 1885, 356–7.
- 57.
“La pauvre Abbesse d’Herfort est toute ruinée, elle veut descrire la conduite de Crequi pour l’envoier à L[ise] L[otte]…elle n’en tirera aucun profit. [I]l faut pourtant advouer, que sa conduite envers E[lisabeth] a esté brutale.” Sophie to Karl Ludwig, 8 August 1679. In Bodemann 1885, 369–70. François de Blanchefort de Créquy was a nobleman and soldier in the service of Louis XIV. Elisabeth Charlotte (1652–1722), known as “Liselotte”, was the other surviving child of Charlotte and Karl Ludwig. In 1672, she had married Philippe I, Duke of Orléans, the younger brother of Louis XIV, which is why Elisabeth might have been hoping for some redress.
- 58.
“C’estoit un autre allarme pour les pauvres bourgeois, qui Elisabeth a harangué en robe de chambre et en pantouffles pour les rassure.” Sophie to Karl Ludwig, 27 June, 1679. In Bodemann 1885, 363–364.
- 59.
Elisabeth to Descartes, 10 October, 1646. In S 146.
- 60.
“I may have the body of a weak and feeble woman, but I have the heart and stomach of a king.” From the “Tilbury speech,” delivered by Queen Elizabeth I to her troops in 1588 while expecting an invasion by the Spanish Armada.
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Pal, C. (2021). A Persistent Princess: How Elisabeth of Bohemia Constructed Her Personal Politics. In: Ebbersmeyer, S., Hutton, S. (eds) Elisabeth of Bohemia (1618–1680): A Philosopher in her Historical Context. Women in the History of Philosophy and Sciences, vol 9. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-71527-4_5
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