Abstract
Drawing on an ethnography of the Parisian “afro scene” (2004–2014), this chapter explores how French young people of African origin navigate and complicate narratives of transmission and cultural memory, as these are reshaped by technological developments. It addresses, more specifically, the sensory and affective experience procured by filmed dance/music circulating within transnational music and dance circuits connecting artists and fans from francophone Africa and its European diaspora. As “communities of sentiment” (Appadurai, Topographies of the Self: Praise and Emotion in Hindu India, In Affecting Discourse: Anthropological Essays on Emotions and Social Life, ed. C. Lutz and L. Abu-Lughod, p. 94. New York and London: Cambridge University Press, 1990), these circuits emerge out of the public negotiations of “emotional participation”, its members not always meeting face to face, but instead through the medium of “haptic images” (Marks, The Skin of the Film: Intercultural Cinema, Embodiment, and the Senses, p. 2. Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2000). The embodied knowledge of rhythm and dance, both transmitted within families and gained through a mimetic relationship with filmed images, is a core theme in these public negotiations. This is examined in the analysis of a YouTube-mediated conflict between Afro-French artist Jessy Matador and Ivoirian artist DJ Arafat, ignited by the former qualifying the latter’s rhythms as “false”—which in French may mean “illusory”, “incorrect”, or “fabricated”. While this ethnographic example highlights the fundamental role of film as technology of memory, it also illustrates the importance of embodied practice for the constitution of cultural memory.
Access this chapter
Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout
Purchases are for personal use only
Notes
- 1.
The video “Jessy s’explique”, which may be translated as “Jessy clears the air”, was published on Ivoirian journalist Stéphane Etienne’s YouTube account on September 15, 2011. Before the filmed interview starts, a scrolling white text appears against a black background, while Jessy’s track “Mini Kawoulé” is playing: “Jessy Matador speaks up about his comments on coupé-décalé and presents his apologies”.
- 2.
I will refer to him as “Jessy” throughout this chapter, a name by which fans, as well as friends and kin recognize him. While this is both his stage name and legal first name, the Afro scene typically draws strict boundaries between artistic personas and personal identities. Legal surnames belong to the second realm, and artists expect third parties to refer to them by their stage names.
- 3.
These manifested, for example, as anxieties around the authenticity of brand name products.
- 4.
Machismo and polygamy (outlawed on French soil) and the supposed inability/unwillingness of polygamous families to control their many unruly sons were among the fantasized causes of the uprisings.
- 5.
In French, nationalities and ethnicities, whether used as adjectives, are never capitalized. In this text, I will therefore not capitalize afro when used in French.
- 6.
In 2020, young French post-migrants of Congolese origin remain important figures in the scene, but its choreographic influences have tremendously broadened. Congolese n’dombolo, which continues to inspire, competes with Anglophone African dances from Nigeria, Ghana, and South Africa. Interestingly, some French post-migrant dancers have now become so visible and are followed on social media that they are recruited to choreograph videoclips of Nigerian or Congolese singers and are accused by Congolese dancers based in the Congo or in the diaspora (but who are migrants, not post-migrants) of “killing our culture” through their lack of cultural and choreographic knowledge (personal field notes, 2020).
- 7.
Douk Saga (1974–2006), a coupé-décalé pioneer nicknamed “The President”, founder of the group La Jet Set, died prematurely aged 32, as the genre was still in its golden years.
- 8.
Jessy states, more precisely, that it is an acceleration of seben, the “dancing” part in lengthy n’dombolo tracks (Interview of Jessy Matador 2012).
- 9.
Despite their popular and growing success to this day, coupé-décalé has proportionally attracted little interest from scholars.
- 10.
Urban Ivoirian musical genre that predates coupé-décalé and is known for its satirical and often politicized lyrics (Newell 2012, p. 35).
- 11.
The label “n’dombolo” started to be used in the 1990s; names given to earlier version of musique congolaise moderne are “soukouss” and “rumba”. The term “rumba” points to the afro-cuban influences of musique congolaise moderne. However, instead of rumba recordings, it was actually a set of reissues of Cuban son titles, recorded in Havana and New York from the 1920s on, and then marketed in Central Africa in the 1930s by the HMV record company, which had a lasting impact in the Congo (White 2002, p. 665, 2008, p. 39).
- 12.
Both this local and mediated/translocal circulation transformed Jessy from dancer to singer and subsequently landed him a record deal with Wagram Records in 2008.
- 13.
Many coupé-décalé artists call themselves DJs. This is in part because they do animations over an instrumental track, rather than actually sing. Animations are made of encouragements to dance, names of dance steps, proverbs (often comical and invented by the artists themselves), and praises to figures of prestige and authority (businessmen, elected officials, other artists, etc.). The practice of animation is likely to have been inspired by n’dombolo: each live band has a designated animateur (called atalaku) (White 2008, pp. 54, 59).
- 14.
Titled “Le Commandant Baracuda clash Jessy Matador” (Commandant Baracuda being one of his pseudonyms), it was released October 1, 2011, on DJ Arafat’s YouTube page, which is registered under one of his pseudonyms: Arafat Yorobo Zaba.
- 15.
His name means “beautiful” in Lingala, Congo’s lingua franca. As for a number of coupé-décalé artists, it remains unclear to some of my interlocutors if he was, in fact, Congolese or Ivoirian. He may have been a Congolese who migrated to Ivory Coast before settling in France.
References
Appadurai, Arjun. 1990. Topographies of the Self: Praise and Emotion in Hindu India. In Affecting Discourse: Anthropological Essays on Emotions and Social Life, ed. C. Lutz and L. Abu-Lughod, 92–112. New York and London: Cambridge University Press.
Barlow, Sean, Banning Eyre, and Jack Vartoogian. 1995. Afropop: An Illustrated Guide to Contemporary African Music. Chartwell Books.
Benthaus, Elena. 2019. Dismantling the Genre: Reality Dance Competition and Layers of Affective Intensification. In The Oxford Handbook of Dance and Competition, ed. Sherill Dodds. Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press.
Braun, Lesley Nicole. 2015. Performances réelles et espaces virtuels: Les jeunes, créateurs des cultures populaires africaines. Afrique Contemporaine 254(2): 110–112.
Gawa, Franck. 2014. Le coupé décalé en Côte d’Ivoire: Sens et enjeux d’un succès musical. African Sociological Review 18 (1): 112–126.
Kabir, Ananya. 2004. Musical Recall: Postmemory and the Punjabi diaspora. Alif: Journal of Comparative Poetics 24: 172–189.
Keaton, Trica Danielle. 2006. Muslim Girls and the Other France: Race, Identity Politics and Social Exclusion. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
Kohlhagen, Dominik. 2005. Frime, escroquerie et cosmopolitisme. Le succès du « coupé-décalé » en Afrique et ailleurs. Politique africaine 100 (4): 92–105.
Kosnick, Kira. 2014. Postmigrant Club Cultures in Urban Europe. Frankfurt Am Main: Peter Lang Publishers.
Landsberg, Alison. 2004. Prosthetic Memory: The Transformation of American Remembrance in the Age of Mass Culture. New York: Colombia University Press.
Marks, Laura U. 2000. The Skin of the Film: Intercultural Cinema, Embodiment, and the Senses. Durham and London: Duke University Press.
Newell, Sasha. 2012. The Modernity Bluff: Crime, Consumption, and Citizenship in Côte d’Ivoire. Chicago & London: Chicago University Press.
Raulin, Anne. 2009. Minorités urbaines: Des mutations conceptuelles en anthropologie. Revue européenne des migrations internationales 25 (5): 33–51.
Steil, Laura. 2011. ‘Realness’: Authenticity, Innovation and Prestige Among Young Afro Dancers in Paris. In Migrating Music, ed. J. Toynbee and B. Dueck. London: Routledge.
———. 2019. Boucan! Loud Moves Against Invisibility in Postcolonial France. Critical African Studies, special issue: “Dance in Africa and beyond: Creativity and Identity in a Globalised World”, 11(1): 121–135.
———. 2021. Boucan! Devenir quelqu’un dans le milieu afro. Toulouse: Presses Universitaires du Midi.
Stoll, Marie. 2020. Au croisement du nouchi et du coupé-décalé: un défi à l’appartenance nationale. Akofena 2 (2): 129–138.
Taylor, Diana. 2003. The Archive and the Repertoire: Performing Cultural Memory in the Americas. Durham and London: Duke University Press.
White, Bob. 2002. Congolese Rumba and Other Cosmopolitanisms. Cahiers d'Études Africaines 42 (168): 663–686.
———. 2008. Rumba Rules: The Politics of Dance Music in Mobutu’s Zaire. Durham and London: Duke University Press.
Author information
Authors and Affiliations
Editor information
Editors and Affiliations
Rights and permissions
Copyright information
© 2021 The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG
About this chapter
Cite this chapter
Steil, L. (2021). Filmed, Felt, and False Rhythms: Dance Videos and an Embodying “Home” in Post-migration. In: Parfitt, C. (eds) Cultural Memory and Popular Dance. Palgrave Macmillan Memory Studies. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-71083-5_15
Download citation
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-71083-5_15
Published:
Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, Cham
Print ISBN: 978-3-030-71082-8
Online ISBN: 978-3-030-71083-5
eBook Packages: Literature, Cultural and Media StudiesLiterature, Cultural and Media Studies (R0)