Abstract
This chapter advances three arguments about Euroscepticism. First, using Israel as a case study we describe its alliances with Eurosceptic political actors, claiming that while each side hopes to benefit from these alliances to advance particular interests, the attraction among the actors are based on ideological affinities that do not align with the norms informing EU policies. If these norms become more contested, it may make it more difficult to construct a ‘normative power’ based approach in EU foreign policy, hence alleviating external pressures, in our case directed against Israel. Second, we reveal how Euroscepticism can be used by third parties in the Eastern-Mediterranean as an instrument for shaping EU foreign policy, showing how Israel exploited the Eurosceptic proclivities of an EU member state to alter the conclusions of the Foreign Affair Council. Finally, we expose how this strategy produces a political paradox. By allowing itself to become an instrument deployed by a third party, the Eurosceptic member state also agrees to be pushed back into the fold of the EU apparatus, thus reconstituting itself as an internal actor which has stakes in the process and is willing to play by the rules of the game.
This chapter was first published in Pardo and Gordon (2019) and it draws on Pardo and Gordon (2018).
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Notes
- 1.
In 2015, Israel Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) adopted “Guidelines on Communication with Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe”. While the document remains classified, we were told that the Guidelines stipulate three major conditions and considerations: (1) Israeli government ministries and agencies are not allowed to communicate with anti-Semitic and neo-Nazi populist radical right parties, whose leaders and or members call for the destruction of Israel and of the Jewish communities in Europe; (2) the Israeli government will not launch a dialogue with a radical right party if the local Jewish community is against such a dialogue; (3) the Israeli government will consider the positions of “like minded countries” towards the relevant radical right party. Interview with a senior Israeli official, Tel Aviv, 30 March 2017.
- 2.
In June 2017 Prime Minister (PM) Benjamin Netanyahu visited Hungary. It was the first visit by an Israeli PM in over 30 years. During the visit, PM Orban “noted that Hungary recognizes Israel’s right to self defense and also wants other nations to recognize that of Hungary” (Ravid 2017a). “From an Israeli perspective the political statements were very good,” says Barak Ravid, the former diplomatic correspondent for Haaretz, “but it was not about the words. It was all about the music that Netanyahu and Orban played. These two leaders are truly close to each other” (Ravid 2017b).
- 3.
E-mail correspondence between the authors and Cas Mudde, 19 March 2017.
- 4.
Interview with a former top Israeli diplomat, Tel Aviv, 13 February 2017.
- 5.
Interview with a senior Israeli official, Jerusalem, 25 January 2016. In April 2016, following an invitation by the Likud party, Heinz-Christian Strache, then the leader of the Freedom Party of Austria – the FPÖ (Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs) – visited Israel. During his visit, he showed support for Israeli products from the Occupied Territories (OT), despite the EU decision to label them as “settlement products”. The Head of the Likud Court, former Member of Knesset Michael Kleiner, said that the MFA policy of boycotting FPÖ party officials “was wrong, because Strache is a friend of Israel. It was decided that if the anachronistic and stupid boycott of the [MFA] will not be removed, he will come on a private visit,” Kleiner said. Strache “wants to learn about Israel and encourage Europeans to buy Israeli products. How long can we give a cold shoulder to people who want to show us love?” (Keinon and Reuters 2016). In a letter from June 2017 to PM Netanyahu, Strache vowed to do all in his power, “be it legislative or eventually executive, to move the [Austrian] Embassy […] to Jerusalem”. In the letter he also asserted Israel’s “right to build wherever is required in the Land of Israel” (Ahern 2017).
- 6.
Interview with a senior Israeli diplomat, Tel Aviv, 13 February 2017.
- 7.
The member states of this regional group are Bulgaria, Cyprus, Greece and Romania. The group aims at boosting the partnership between its members in cases of common security challenges and increased migratory pressure.
- 8.
The Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia.
- 9.
Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania.
- 10.
Interview with a senior Israeli diplomat, Brussels, 7 June 2017.
- 11.
Following the discovery of offshore natural gas by Israel and Cyprus, Greece discussed with the two countries the idea of becoming alternative European energy providers, with Greece being the transit state for their gas. In March 2014, however, it was found that the “financial and topographic realities render such a pipeline financially and topographically infeasible” (Good 2014).
- 12.
Interview with senior Israeli and Greek diplomats, Brussels, 7 June 2017.
- 13.
Interview with a senior Israeli official, Jerusalem, 25 January 2016.
- 14.
Interview with senior EEAS official, Brussels, 29 June 2016.
- 15.
Interviews with senior Israeli officials, Jerusalem and Brussels, 25 January 2016 and 29 June 2016.
- 16.
Interviews with senior EEAS official, Brussels, 29 June 2016; 8 June 2017.
- 17.
Interviews with senior EEAS and Greek officials, Brussels, 29 June 2016 and 7 June 2017; Interviews with senior Israeli officials, Jerusalem and Brussels, 25 January 2016, 29 June 2016 and 7 June 2017.
- 18.
Interview with a senior Israeli official, Jerusalem, 25 January 2016.
- 19.
Interview with an EEAS official, Herzliya, 9 May 2016.
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Pardo, S., Gordon, N. (2021). The Instrumentalization of Euroscepticism in the Eastern-Mediterranean. In: Tziampiris, A., Asderaki, F. (eds) The New Eastern Mediterranean Transformed. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-70554-1_3
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