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Closing Remarks and Opening Insights – From Uruguay

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The Migration Crisis in the American Southern Cone

Part of the book series: Latin American Societies ((LAS))

Abstract

As the book’s epilogue, this chapter revisits and links the preceding ones pointing out some of their findings and vanishing points. Specifically, it delves into the critical articulation of the book’s theoretical proposal and three of its analytical correlations. First, “situationality”, which takes distance from and problematizes some of the “untimely linkages” or disconnections between the experiences of the Global North and the American Southern Cone. Second, the exploration of normative regulations and unequal power positions and relationships between actors that explain, at least in part, the articulations between norm and discretion. Third, the modulations of hate speech in the region and its eminently political character. A character wherein lies the potential and capacity to add the narrative rhythms and figures used to show social spaces that house the limits of progressivism. As a counterpoint, each of these correlations is approached from the Uruguayan perspective.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Translator’s Note: The murgas are social organizations articulated mainly to the carnival performances, although not exclusively to them. At the Montevideo carnival, they compete with elaborate shows in which they present a theme with original lyrics, music, performance, and costumes. These presentations usually have a political or critical dimension and are told with shrewd irony. Sense of humor is a recurring resource, often seen in the way the murgas are named (as in the case of “Agarrate Catalina”, which means “Hold on tight, Catalina”).

  2. 2.

    Translator’s Note: Operation Condor was a military and intelligence plan of repression, persecution, and State terrorism against political opposition. It was implemented in the mid-seventies with the backing of the United States government, through coordinated actions carried out by several South American countries (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay, and Uruguay) during their military dictatorships.

  3. 3.

    Translator’s Note: In Argentina, the “piquetero movement” refers to the organization of unemployed workers who, in the nineties, started to cut off the streets of different cities of the country (although mainly in Buenos Aires) protesting against the social consequences of the deepening of neoliberal policies. The term has an English correlate in the expression “to picket” or “picketers”. According to the Collins Dictionary, these terms are used to refer to a group of people, usually trade union members, that “picket a place of work”, standing outside it to protest about something, to prevent people from going in, or to persuade the workers to join a strike.

  4. 4.

    Translator’s Note: The Oriental Republic of Uruguay is divided into 19 departments. To meet the needs of the large number of their citizens living abroad, the Uruguayan Foreign Ministry created another department (numbered 20). Various actions are carried out through Department 20, such as facilities for phone calls for emigrated Uruguayans, online schooling for their children, together with several actions that foster the emigrants’ access to their civil and political rights.

  5. 5.

    Between 2000 and 2004, at the initiative of the Frente Amplio, three failed proposals were considered to legislate this right. In November 2000, the Frente Amplio presented its first bill to allow Uruguayans living abroad to vote. In 2004, the socialist senator José Korzeniak proposed constitutional reform, and Congressman Carlos Pita promoted the proposal, for a plebiscite to modify the Constitution, enabling the vote by post for Uruguayans not residing in the country. In 2005, the Frente Amplio, already in charge of the national government, presented a new bill to enable voting from abroad. Despite the Frente Amplio’s parliamentary majority, the proposal was not approved. On these issues, see Stuhldreher (2013).

  6. 6.

    As discussed in Chap. 5, Argentine law stipulates the expulsion of foreigners deprived of their liberty once they have served half their sentence.

  7. 7.

    See, for example, the “Democracy Index” published by The Economist (2019).

  8. 8.

    It is worth clarifying that, with “politics”, I am referring – following Moraes (2019) – to what is situated in the order of the prescription and of the possible, and not the strategies mobilized to specify them.

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Acknowledgments

This chapter was translated from Spanish to English by Menara Guizardi and Christine Ann Hills. Some of the ideas and reflections that guide this text are the product of (long-term) dialogues for which I am grateful to Alex Martins Moraes, Menara Guizardi, and Pablo Semán. They, of course, are not responsible for the elaborations that I lay out in these lines.

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Merenson, S. (2021). Closing Remarks and Opening Insights – From Uruguay. In: Guizardi, M. (eds) The Migration Crisis in the American Southern Cone. Latin American Societies. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-68161-6_8

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-68161-6_8

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