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Bridges, Paths, or Crossroads? The Magdalena Medio Development and Peace Program Before and After the Havana Accord

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Confronting Peace

Part of the book series: Rethinking Political Violence ((RPV))

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Abstract

The chapter explores the ways in which the Magdalena Medio Peace and Development Program has been affected by the signing of the 2016 peace agreement between the Colombian government and the FARC guerrillas. Primarily, we approach the underlying idea of “territorial” peace (one of the pillars for implementation) from the perspective of already existing organizations in the area. Confronted with the immense task of implementing the peace agreement, many government institutions, as well as non-governmental organizations, have turned to already established organizations in the so-called post-conflict areas to ensure readiness for implementation, and then to carry out, or help in carrying out, some of the tasks of implementation. We examine what happens to a regional organization, such as PDPMM, and the work that it had been doing long before the Accord, to support peacebuilding.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    This data come from the 2015 census carried out by Colombia’s State Institution for Statistics (DANE 2016). The new census carried out in 2018 and 2019 has not yet provided official data.

  2. 2.

    Nororiente y Magdalena Medio, Llanos Orientales, Suroccidente y Bogotá DC. NUEVOS ESCENARIOS DE CONFLICTO ARMADO Y VIOLENCIA Panorama posacuerdos con AUC. Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica—Dirección de Acuerdos de la Verdad. Bogotá, 2014.

  3. 3.

    See the website of the network of PDPs at: https://redprodepaz.org.co/que-es-un-pdp-2/.

  4. 4.

    These are the number of PDPs, municipalities, and partner organizations which are part of the redprodepaz. Webpage accessed on November 2, 2019 at: https://redprodepaz.org.co/que-es-un-pdp-2/.

  5. 5.

    This subject was considered an untouchable redline by the Santos administration.

  6. 6.

    The agenda of negotiations between the government and FARC included five broad issues: 1. Integral Rural Reform, 2. Political Participation, 3. End of Conflict, 4. Illicit Crops, 5. Victims. The sixth point of the agenda was about Implementation, Verification, and Endorsement.

  7. 7.

    The 170 municipalities represented 14% of the total number of municipalities in the whole country.

  8. 8.

    The sources used to create Table 3.1, all accessed on May 18, 2020, include: the INDEPAZ website (http://www.indepaz.org.co/); newspaper El Tiempo website (https://www.eltiempo.com/politica/proceso-de-paz/la-dramatica-lista-de-lideres-asesinados-en-colombia-en-solo-dos-semanas-452160); United Nations website (https://news.un.org/es/story/2019/12/1467341); (https://www.eltiempo.com/politica/proceso-de-paz/asesinatos-de-ex-farc-en-el-2019-superaron-los-del-2018-segun-onu-434432); news outlet Pacifista website (https://pacifista.tv/notas/el-numero-de-excombatientes-de-las-farc-asesinados-ya-es-alarmante/).

  9. 9.

    Southern Bolivar is one of the main areas of previous work by, and influence of the PDPMM.

  10. 10.

    In Colombia, a vereda or hamlet is the smallest administrative division at the sub municipal level in the rural areas.

  11. 11.

    ART stands for “Agencia de Renovación del Territorio” for its initials in Spanish. The name can be translated to: “Agency for the Renewal of the Territory.” 

  12. 12.

    The research was conducted in October 2019.

  13. 13.

    The final agreement signed in November 2016 between the Colombian government and the former guerrilla Farc-EP, established the creation and designation of 16 seats in the National Congress for people who live in the areas most affected by the armed conflict and by the government abandonment; this part of the agreement has been commonly named: “the victims’ seats.” Point 2.3.6. of the agreement says: “we agree in creating a total of 16 transitional special circumscriptions for peace to elect a total of 16 representatives to the House, in a temporary manner for two electoral period.” Point 6.1.10, b, establishes that within the first 12 months after the signing, a law should be in place to fulfill the mandate of the House seats, to date (June 2020). Congress has not approved the law, making the subject a point for continuous political debate in Colombia. Colombian Foreign Ministry website, accessed on June 29, 2020 (https://www.cancilleria.gov.co/sites/default/files/Fotos2016/12.11_1.2016nuevoacuerdofinal.pdf); Newspaper El Espectador website, accessed on June 29, 2020 (https://www.elespectador.com/colombia2020/opinion/curules-para-las-victimas-volver-lo-esencial-columna-905602/).

  14. 14.

    The local justice systems were established in the municipalities were the reincorporation of former combatants was to happen, this with the intention of having a higher opportunity for institutional readiness and capacity for peace implementation.

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Rodríguez, M., Sarmiento Santander, F. (2022). Bridges, Paths, or Crossroads? The Magdalena Medio Development and Peace Program Before and After the Havana Accord. In: Allen, S.H., Hancock, L.E., Mitchell, C., Mouly, C. (eds) Confronting Peace. Rethinking Political Violence. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-67288-1_3

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