Abstract
It is a truism that modern capitalism at once is the most productive and the most destructive economic system ever. To stay alive, capitalism needs as much state-intervention as socialism. The capitalist state can fulfil this function only as a self-interested agency that has constitutive and corrective functions also for non-capitalist spheres of life. Moreover, in a long course of social struggles, revolutions and civil wars, the capitalist state was forced to become democratic and to integrate two incompatible principles: capitalism and democracy. The incompatibility was moderated after World War II by democracy with socialist characteristics. However, the democratic and social state has suffered from two problems: secular stagnation and horizontal inequality. Democracy with socialist characteristics was white, male, and heterosexual. Fighting horizontal inequality, the New Left triggered one of the most consequential cultural revolutions of world history. However, at the same time aggressive neoliberalism, politically and theoretically well prepared, took its chance and changed the direction of the evolution against democracy and socialism. The last 40 years witnessed a dramatic increase of social class differences and a transnationally enhanced threefold U-turn of constitutionalism from public power to private property, from public law to private law, and from legal formalism to legal dynamism. The outcome was a vicious circle of injustice: the permanent devaluation of political and personal rights through social injustice that blocks all possibilities of democratic change of social and political injustice. The world economic crisis of 2008 reinforced the circular downfall, consumed the scare resources of solidarity, and caused a legitimation crisis of normative orders. Technocratic incrementalism apparently comes to an end, but what comes then?
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Notes
- 1.
Modern capitalism has been described as a functional system from Smith to Hayek, who combines liberal economic theory with advanced system theory (von Hayek 2003, pp. 37ff.) Already in the Deutsche Ideologie the authors use the term social systems, but usually with respect to theories or theoretical models (Marx and Engels 1971, p. 364). However, Marx’ critique of political economy presupposes consistently that modern capitalism emerges as an autopoietic system, to which he also refers as “totality”, “structure” or “basis” (Marx 1953, p. 8f). These terms all refer to a circular process (totality) of reciprocal relations between its moments, especially basis and superstructure. The system produces or—as Marx often says in the language of German Idealism—“posits” by “positing” its own “presuppositions” through the subordination of “all elements of society to itself, or in creating out of it the organs which it still lacks” (Marx 1953, p. 189; English translation quoted from: https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/download/Marx_Grundrisse.pdf). As in the works of Smith, Hayek and Luhmann capitalism is a “system of production which has grown up spontaneously and continues to grow behind the backs of the producers” (Marx 1965, pp. 507ff.; the internet access is: https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/download/pdf/Capital-Volume-I.pdf). The “capitalist system” (Marx 1965, pp. 320, 360, 451, 507) is steered by the self-referential medium of “money” (money buys money) that closes the “system of exchange” which therefore “necessarily” “appears” “as an “independent system”. From the point of view of Marx this is a “necessary illusion”, and necessary is an illusion (Schein) which is a constitutive part of the social reality (Marx, Grundrisse, 409). Necessary illusions exist on the semantic level as systemic closure through binary codes, but these systems are open to the environment on the pragmatic level. Systems autonomy is non-relativizable independence based on non-relativizable dependence (Jessop 1990, p. 102).
- 2.
The entire quote reads: “The violent destruction of capital not by relations external to it, but rather as a condition of its self- preservation, is the most striking form in which advice is given it to be gone and to give room to a higher state of social production.” (Marx 1953, p. 676). However, Marx does not solve the problem how to integrate historical necessity (laws of nature), advice and practical change (realm of freedom). McCarthy is right: “Marx combined the theoretically grasped necessity of developmental processes, which he naturalistically appropriated from Hegel’s contemplative view of history, with a practical orientation toward history more reminiscent of Kant. But he failed coherently to integrate the two perspectives – that is, the ‘iron laws’ of his developmental perspective with the political agency of his practical perspective.” (McCarthy 2015: quoted from the manuscript of the English original). Therefore, Western Marxism since Georg Lukacs History and Class Consciousness turned to praxis and emphasized the entanglement of contingency, action and rational freedom in the history and evolution of societal formations.
- 3.
For the meaning of “rational argument” see Toulmin (1975).
- 4.
Marx (1965), pp. 31, 330; Marx (1968), p. 588, translation modified. Online Version: Marxists.org 1999, https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1894-c3/.
- 5.
Habermas (1981).
- 6.
- 7.
- 8.
Marx (1965), pp. 104ff, 109.
- 9.
See Gorski (2003).
- 10.
The crucial precedent in England was Paradine v. Jane (King’s Bench 1647), see Berman (2006), p. 281. Marx always considered the deep changes in public and private law by the English and French Revolutions of 1688 and 1789 as necessary enabling conditions of modern capitalism, impressively represented in the following passage from an article in the Neue Rheinische Zeitung from Dec. 15, 1848. Every difference mentioned in the following quote is a legal and constitutional difference: “The revolutions of 1648 and 1789 were not English and French revolutions, they were revolutions in the European fashion. They did not represent the victory of a particular social class over the old political system; they proclaimed the political system of the new European society. The bourgeoisie was victorious in these revolutions, but the victory of the bourgeoisie was at that time the victory of a new social order, the victory of bourgeois ownership over feudal ownership, of nationality over provincialism, of competition over the guild, of partitioning [of the land] over primogeniture, of the rule of the landowner over the domination of the owner by the land, of enlightenment over superstition, of the family over the family name, of industry over heroic idleness, of bourgeois law over medieval privileges.” (Marx 1982, pp. 107f, quoted from: https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1848/12/15.htm).
- 11.
The Game Act reserved the right to hunt exclusively to the owners of large freeholds, and the Black Act enforced it by imposing a death sentence for the game of poaching and for a host of other offences, which formerly had been the customary rights of peasants and poor people, see Berman (2006), pp. 315ff; Brunkhorst (2014), pp. 188ff. On the blood and property legislation see Marx (1965), pp. 534ff; and the famous early news-paper piece: Marx (1956), pp. 109ff.
- 12.
Marx (1965), pp. 136, 508, 536, 542. Marx distinguishes capitalist private property (sans phrase) from pre-capitalist individual private property and post-capitalist (socialist) individual property.
- 13.
Marx (1965), p. 538; on the legal origin of the category, p. 538 note 13.
- 14.
Marx (1965), p. 534.
- 15.
Marx (1965), pp. 130ff, 217, 425f.
- 16.
Marx (1965), p. 330.
- 17.
See Habermas (1971). The periodical crisis of the economy Marx critique of political economy is (in the typology of crises of Habermas book on late capitalism) a structural crisis of rationality of the capitalist system, and Keynes economic theory was designed to compensate the technical or functional rationality deficit of the capitalist system. For Marx as for Keynes the rationality crisis of modern capitalism, was due to the real-abstraction of the system from all its social (and sociological) conditions. Habermas uses the concept of rationality crisis only for the administrative state but because it is caused by self-referential-closure of a functional system it is applicable to all the other functional systems such as the economy, the systems of traffic, Sport, military power, positive law etc.
- 18.
For the notion of “modern capitalism” see Weber (1920), p. 4ff.
- 19.
Marx (1965), p. 534.
- 20.
Marx (1965), p. 534ff.
- 21.
Marx (1985), p. 101; English quoted from: https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/download/pdf/18th-Brumaire.pdf.
- 22.
In Luhmann’s theory of power “moving bodies” is the “symbiotic mechanism” of use of violence.
- 23.
Strictly restricted and bound to the law by the German Constitutional Court in 1972 (BVerfG 33/1).
- 24.
- 25.
For an impressive rehabilitation of the dependency theory see Lessenich (2016). The first Marxist who recognized that clearly at the high tide of colonial imperialism was Luxemburg, who corrected Marx’ theory of accumulation accordingly: Luxemburg (1913), pp. 279ff (available online on: http://www.mlwerke.de/lu/lu05/lu05_005.htm). Luxemburg’s criticism was confirmed by many further studies such as those of Lenin, Hilferding, Arendt, Baran, Sweezy, Hobsbawm, Mommsen etc. On Kant, Marx and the contamination of the entire idea of developmental progress with racist implications see McCarthy (2015).
- 26.
Marx ignored the co-evolution and kept focused on the vertical, social inequalities between capital and labor, which are potentially revolutionary, and neglected the horizontal inequalities not only between homelands and colonies, “Christian races” and people of color but also between different genders, nations, regions, religions etc., which overlap with vertical social differences, and thus, at the same time are motivating and blocking social movements of emancipation, making revolutions and successful reforms less likely (see Nachtwey 2016; Stewart and Langer 2006, https://www.ifw-kiel.de/konfer/2006/preg/stewart_langer.pdf. An early forerunner is: Offe 1969).
- 27.
- 28.
Marx (1968), p. 588, translation modified. Online Version: Marxists.org 1999, https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1894-c3/.
- 29.
In the typology of Habermas book on legitimation problems critical situations caused by neglect are related to the motivation crisis.
- 30.
Luhmann (1997b), p. 75; idem (1997a), pp. 630f; Luhmann (1974), pp. 107–131; similar but over-generalized: Agamben (1998). Luhmann’s theory of exclusion goes back to personal experience. On a visit to Recife, Marcelo Neves showed him the Favelas. The superfluous populations, drifting to the colonies, were already observed by Marx (1965), p. 405, later generalized by Hannah Arendt’s theory of imperialism. In his seminal work on peripheral modernity Neves has shown that exclusion destroys the constitutional system (and the “structural coupling” of politics and law) of modern societies: Neves (1992); Neves (1999), pp. 557–577.
- 31.
Krause (2017), p. 2 (on file with the author). Krause’s paper is also interesting because it backs Horkheimer and Adornos speculative thesis that Naturbeherrschung (domination of nature) is the origin of all domination with the post-speculative conceptual means of political science and analytical political philosophy.
- 32.
However, different from the Dialectic of Enlightenment I do not consider Naturbeherrschung as Urgeschichte des Subkjects but as co-original and co-evolutionary with political and unpolitical domination.
- 33.
The natural environment is moment of social interaction e.g. between fishermen, fish swarms and trawls, see Bruno Latour; in the same direction already Horkheimer and Adorno.
- 34.
Durkheim (1988), p. 227.
- 35.
A similar project but inquiring more the aesthetic than—as in my case—the normative side of Marx, has been presented by Balke (2017).
- 36.
Marx (1965), p. 227.
- 37.
Marx (1965), p. 64.
- 38.
Marx (1965), pp. 32, 45, 48.
- 39.
Marx (1965), p. 542.
- 40.
Marx (1965), pp. 330, 542.
- 41.
Marx and Engels (1990), p. 135.
- 42.
Marx (1965), pp. 32, 45, 57, 138, 147f, 284 etc.
- 43.
Marx (1965), pp. 40, 48, 284, 379 etc.
- 44.
Marx (1965), pp. 32, 40, 42f, 45, 62 etc.
- 45.
- 46.
Lenin (1962).
- 47.
Schumpeter later followed this track. Marx lived in a time of revolutions, he had experienced at first hand three of them, and a revolutionary civil war. From his historical point of view reform and revolution were a continuum, and revolutions were on the political agenda (Brunkhorst 2007; Brunkhorst 2017, pp. 21–34).
- 48.
As Hayek, Marx speaks of the “spontaneously developed differences” that lead to the evolution of economic circulation (Marx 1965, p. 244), but different from Hayek he considers the modern system of capitalist market not as the final realization of evolutionary spontaneity in the realization of freedom but as its total blockade, and the realistic threat of its final destruction.
- 49.
Rightly criticized as liberal idealism by Habermas (1996), pp. 372, 552 note 56.
- 50.
Marx had nothing in favor of a politically planned economy, an idea introduced to Marxism by the, see Berman (1963).
- 51.
Marx (1965), p. 545. Nevertheless, also with respect to socialism and the workers movement, Marx preferred the trade unions and considered the political party secondary. For socialism he preferred cooperative worker associations and (after 1871) council democracy. Marx had some hope in the democratization of the parliamentary system and celebrated and admired Lincoln as the post-idealistic “revolutionary of the ordinary game of universal suffrage”, who’s “most redoubtable decrees – which will always remain remarkable historical documents – (…) all look like (…) routine subpoenas sent by a lawyer to the lawyer of the opposing party, legal chicaneries, involved, hidebound actiones juris.” And Marx adds, that his “triumph” is completely due to the representative “political” and post-aristocratic “social organization” that enables “ordinary people of good will” to “accomplish feats which only heroes could accomplish in the old world!” (Marx 1966, p. 186f, English translation quoted from: Marx 1984, p. 249f).
- 52.
Offe (2015), available at https://www.opendemocracy.net/can-europe-make-it/europe-entrapped-interview-with-claus-offe; Offe (2016).
- 53.
On the class of academically trained jurists see Berman (1963).
- 54.
See Derluguian (2013), pp. 99–129, 120fd.
- 55.
“Wegebau” in Marx Grundrisse.
- 56.
- 57.
von Hayek (2003), p. 49. Hayek hijacked the embedment-thesis from Karl Polany (without quoting him) and turned it the other way around.
- 58.
Offe (1975), p. 13.
- 59.
Marx (1985 [1852]), pp. 178f, 196f.
- 60.
The planned volume IV of Capital on state and export trade remained unwritten.
- 61.
Luhmann (1992).
- 62.
- 63.
With many examples: Brunkhorst (2014), pp. 390ff, 396ff
- 64.
- 65.
See Hegel (1975), pp. 59, 424.
- 66.
- 67.
- 68.
- 69.
The § 903 reads: “Der Eigentümer einer Sache kann, soweit nicht das Gesetz oder Rechte Dritter entgegenstehen, mit der Sache nach Belieben verfahren und andere von jeder Einwirkung ausschließen.” The law (“Gesetz”) and the basic rights of third parties (“Rechte Dritter”) then became the mean to leverage the ratchet of private property through legislation and constitutional jurisdiction (the famous “Drittwirkungslehre” of the German Constitutional Court).
- 70.
- 71.
Schäfers (2015) and Nachtwey (2016). On the high correlation of social equality with nearly everything important for human life (besides educationally caused social mobility it is good health, happiness, low rates of criminality and violence, low mental illness, high life expectancy etc.) see Wilkinson and Pickett (2009).
- 72.
Offe (1969).
- 73.
Charles W. Mills rightly argues that white men of all classes benefit from the subordination of women and of people of color: “White Workers have generally been part of the problem, either active participants in or at least complicit with imperialism, colonial conquest, white settlement (sometimes genocidal), slavery, apartheid, segregation, and so forth.” (Mills 2015, p. 10).
- 74.
Lessenich (2016), pp. 42, 63; See also the case study: von Bernstorff (2012), available at http://www.humanrights-business.org/files/landgrabbing_final_1.pdf.
- 75.
On the distinction between horizontal and vertical inequality see Stewart and Langer (2006), https://www.ifw-kiel.de/konfer/2006/preg/stewart_langer.pdf; Nachtwey (2016). “Horizontal” inequalities is not a good phrase. Therefore, I put it in quotation marks. The inequalities between men and women traditionally and actually are also vertical inequalities of social difference, economic position, legal status and cultural discrimination. The older term “disparities” (Offe 1969) might be better but does neglect the social differenced between disparate spheres of life such as family and market. I have no better suggestion; therefore, I take the terminology from the research literature.
- 76.
Lessenich (2016).
- 77.
- 78.
Brunkhorst (2018).
- 79.
“Soyez réalistes demandez l’impossible”—was one of the many surrealist slogans of the May-days in Paris (1968).
- 80.
- 81.
Baran and Sweezy (1966), pp. 76ff. Marx already has written in Capital: “The ultimate reason for all real crises always remains the poverty and restricted consumption of the masses as opposed to the drive of capitalist production to develop the productive forces as though only the absolute consuming power of society constituted their limit.” (Marx 1968, p. 501; English translation quoted from https://www.marxists.org/archive/marx/works/1894-c3/ch30.htm).
- 82.
- 83.
On the difference of constitutional standard and constitutional reality see Habermas (2012).
- 84.
See George (2016).
- 85.
Koskenniemi (1995), pp. 325–348.
- 86.
Koskenniemi (2001), pp. 500ff.
- 87.
Offe (2003), p. 463.
- 88.
- 89.
Dawson and de Witte (2015).
- 90.
von Hayek (2003), p. 49.
- 91.
The dual state is a mix of (inclusive) norm-state (or Rechtsstaat) and (exclusive) prerogative state (or police-state), and there are more formations of the double state than pre-war fascist regimes, on the paradigm case of the latter see Fraenkel (1969).
- 92.
Neves (1999).
- 93.
White (2015), pp. 300–318.
- 94.
See Shachar (2015), pp. 12, 32–35 (on file with the author).
- 95.
Offe (2003).
- 96.
Rawls (1975), pp. 81ff, 251ff.
- 97.
Lessenich (2016), p. 79, my translation.
- 98.
See Krause (2017).
- 99.
- 100.
See e.g. Offe (2017).
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Brunkhorst, H. (2021). The Capitalist State in the Crisis of Global Capitalism. In: Nogueira de Brito, M., Calabria, C., Portela L. Almeida, F. (eds) Law as Passion. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-63501-5_1
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