Abstract
This chapter takes up a charge often directed to neo-Augustinians by neo-Anabaptists that their defense of just war lacks adequate theological foundations. It is the case that most contemporary just war advocates, even within Christian ethics, no longer embed their accounts within a distinctively theological context, let alone a robust appeal to a doctrine of God or divine providence attentive to the divine One who really entered history, suffered defeat, and conquered death. This development can be seen as a form of self-denial for the sake of consensus and casuistry. In so doing, however, they confirm the claim of many Christian pacifists that just war reasoning betrays the radical creativity of Christian virtue in the name of some external (often duty-based) notion of responsibility and retributive justice. My project differs. It taps into resurgent interest in political theology as a way to remedy this neglect at least a little. I focus on two aspects of political theology that bear primarily on the relation of the temporal and the eternal: providence and suffering. They are rooted in fundamental theology, guided by the memory of being grafted as strangers into the God of Israel, the same God who showed compassion for Esau even while blessing Jacob. Just war tradition is an act of compassion rooted in providence and the inevitable suffering faced in history. The point is to re-theologize a living tradition that generations of the ecumenical church bequeathed to us as an exercise of their Christian imagination within their historical contexts where they took all of history seriously as God’s time. Wary of idolatry, we should strive for more than critique or a disappointing choice between Christendom or Church as the only theological word to the nations.
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Notes
- 1.
See, for example, Eric Gregory, Politics and the Order of Love: An Augustinian Ethic of Democratic Citizenship (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2008), and Eric Gregory and Joseph Clair, “Augustinianisms and Thomisms,” in The Cambridge Companion to Christian Political Theology, edited by Craig Hovey and Elizabeth Phillips (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), pp. 176–95.
- 2.
Eric Gregory, “What Do We Want from the Just War Tradition? New Challenges of Surveillance and the Security State,” Studies in Christian Ethics 27.1 (2014): 50–62.
- 3.
Stanley Hauerwas argues that “nonviolence is not just one implication among others that can be drawn from our Christian beliefs; it is at the very heart of our understanding of God.” See Stanley Hauerwas, The Peaceable Kingdom: A Primer in Christian Ethics (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1983), p. xvii. Pacifism is “not some ‘teaching’ about nonviolence but rather is a way of talking about a community that has learned to deal with conflicts through truth rather than violence.” Stanley Hauerwas, “Epilogue: A Pacifist Response to the Bishops,” in Paul Ramsey, Speak Up for Just War or Pacifism (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1988), p. 162.
- 4.
Hauerwas, “Epilogue,” p. 160.
- 5.
For a provocative reading of an ironic tendency in modern Christian pacifism that actually turns “faith into just another form of ethics or series of practices,” see Paul Martens, The Heterodox Yoder (Eugene, OR: Cascade, 2012), p. 147.
- 6.
Søren Kierkegaard, Works of Love: Some Christian Reflections in the Form of Discourses, trans. Howard and Edna Hong (New York: Harper & Row, 1962), p. 82.
- 7.
See, for example, Philip J. Rossi, SJ, “Where Is Abel Thy Brother? Reframing the Theological Horizons for Catholic Theories of Just War,” Journal of Catholic Social Thought 11.1 (2014): 229–40. Rossi finds that “though just war theory has long been a topic within discussions of Christian theological ethics, it no longer seems fully evident that a necessary condition for its intelligibility and/or its persuasive power is provided by its location or function within a theological or religious context.” See also Charles Mathewes, “Just War and Tragedy: Response to Nigel Biggar, In Defence of War,” Soundings 97.2 (2014): 195–207. In an otherwise positive review, Mathewes argues that Biggar does not confront “the distinctively theological frame of the just war tradition” (p. 202). Mathewes asks, “does the just warrior actually participate, in a way distinct from other combatants, in the actual achievement, however minimal, however proleptic, of God’s justice and judgment? Is just war, in short, sacramental?” (p. 204). Mathewes does not explicitly answer his own questions. But, invoking Greek tragedy, he gestures toward a tradition that includes Augustine, Calvin, Edwards, Lincoln, and both Niebuhr brothers which finds just war as “part of the ongoing judgment of God, wrought on all” (p. 205).
- 8.
Consider, for example, 23% of Americans believed the United States should have dropped more atomic bombs in order to destroy all Japanese cities without chance of surrender. Relevant data can be found in a recent study that found, despite decreased American support for the use of nuclear weapons against Japan in 1945, a clear majority of Americans today would approve first use of nuclear weapons and conventional bombings against the civilian population of Iran. See, Scott D. Sagan and Benjamin A. Valentino, “Revisiting Hiroshima in Iran: What Americans Really Think About Using Nuclear Weapons and Killing Noncombatants,” International Security 42.1 (Summer 2017): 41–97.
- 9.
Michael Walzer, Arguing About War (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2004), p. 3.
- 10.
Ibid., p. 12. While claims abound, few empirical studies have actually investigated the cultural and political impact of just war reasoning.
- 11.
Critique of critique now has a modern pedigree in a variety of disciplines. See, for example, Bruno Latour, “Why Has Critique Run out of Steam? From Matters of Fact to Matters of Concern,” Critical Inquiry 30 (Winter 2004): 225–48, and Rita Felski, The Limits of Critique (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2015). On the crisis of critique in the humanities and social sciences, see Didier Fassin, “The Endurance of Critique,” Anthropological Theory 17.1 (2017): 4–29.
- 12.
At the same time, a new generation of peace theologians has begun to investigate a range of different sources in order to “make theological sense of social problems that indict the church for its inability to stand with the oppressed.” See Malinda Elizabeth Berry, “Shalom Political Theology: A New Type of Mennonite Peace Theology for a New Era of Discipleship,” The Conrad Grebel Review 34.1 (Winter 2016): 49–73, p. 51.
- 13.
Richard Miller, Friends and Other Strangers: Studies in Religion, Ethics, and Culture (New York: Columbia University Press, 2016), p. 205.
- 14.
James Davison Hunter, To Change the World: The Irony, Tragedy, and Possibility of Christianity in the Late Modern World (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010).
- 15.
Carol Harrison, Augustine: Christian Truth and Fractured Humanity (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000), p. 216. According to Harrison, for Augustine, the state and its laws are “God’s means of protecting human society against itself.”
- 16.
On this contrast, see Eric Gregory, “Christianity and the Rise of the Democratic State,” in Political Theology for a Plural Age (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), pp. 99–107.
- 17.
See, for example, John Howard Yoder, When War is Unjust: Being Honest in Just-War Thinking (Eugene, OR: Wipf and Stock, 1996), and Stanley Hauerwas, Sanctify Them in the Truth: Holiness Exemplified (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1998).
- 18.
In response to just war theory as an expression of love for the enemy that includes a peace that encompasses the interests of the enemy, Hauerwas asks, “[A]nd pacifists are said to be unrealistic?” in War and the American Difference: Theological Reflections on Violence and National Identity (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2011), p. 25. Of course, this is the story many Americans aspire to tell. David Brooks has called for a new national narrative premised on a supposed oddity of America: “[W]e are good to our enemies after wartime,” in “America: The Redeemer Nation,” The New York Times, November 23, 2017, p. A27.
- 19.
Ramsey, Speak Up for Just War or Pacifism, p. 38.
- 20.
There are plenty of enemies in Augustine’s City of God, a work that literally begins with the invocation of the “enemies of Christ’s name” (1.1) in its telling of two cities.
- 21.
See now, G. Scott Davis, Believing and Acting: The Pragmatic Turn in Comparative Religion and Ethics (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), pp. 162–74.
- 22.
Daniel M. Bell, Jr., Just War as Christian Discipleship: Recentering the Tradition in the Church Rather than the State (Grand Rapids, MI: Brazos, 2009), and Lisa Cahill, Love Your Enemies: Discipleship, Pacifism and Just War Theory (Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 1994).
- 23.
Gerald Schlabach, Just Policing, Not War: An Alternative Response to World Violence (Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 2007), and Glen H. Stassen, Just Peacemaking: Transforming Initiatives for Justice and Peace (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox, 1992).
- 24.
Gil Anidjar, The Jew, The Arab: A History of the Enemy (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2003), pp. 24 and 27.
- 25.
Ibid., p. 18.
- 26.
On the richness of Augustine’s account of our diverse social and political relations in relation to Stoic notions of oikeiosis, see Joseph Clair, Discerning the Good in the Letters and Sermons of Augustine (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016).
- 27.
Gerald Schlabach, For the Joy Set Before Us: Augustine and Self-Denying Love (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2001), p. 127.
- 28.
William T. Cavanaugh, Migrations of the Holy: God, State, and the Political Meaning of the Church (Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2011).
- 29.
Hunter, To Change the World, p. 173.
- 30.
Ibid., p. 106.
- 31.
Ibid., p. 281. Hunter’s project might be compared to Jonathan Malesic, Secret Faith in the Public Square: An Argument for the Concealment of Christian Identity (Grand Rapids, MI: Brazos Press, 2009). Malesic’s work also finds an occasional ally in Stanley Hauerwas. But he argues that Hauerwas “gives too much weight to the need for a visible witness at the cost of invisible aspects of Christianity, aspects that truly distinguish it from the post-Enlightenment, secular, public realms of the economy and the political sphere” (p. 220).
- 32.
Ibid., p. 188.
- 33.
Ibid., p. 187; see pp. 187–92.
- 34.
Hunter’s views on violence and coercion are somewhat cryptic. On the one hand, he accepts that “in the present world order, some types of coercion are probably inevitable” (p. 192). On the other hand, he finds that for the Christian coercion is “necessary, as, say in the defense of the defenseless; a means to achieve a lesser of various evils” (193). And, yet, “it cannot be justified ‘in the name of Jesus’ or put forward as ‘the Christian way’ because force and coercion are not a part of and cannot bring about the kingdom of God” (p. 192). The latter remark comes close to familiar just war distinctions between prohibition, permission, and holiness.
- 35.
Ibid., p. 172. Hunter argues that it is easier “to vote for the referendum that would expand health care benefits for seniors than to care for an elderly and infirmed parent, and to rally for racial harmony than to get to know someone of a difference race than yours” (pp. 172–3).
- 36.
Carl Schmitt, The Concept of the Political (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2007). According to Schmitt, “a world in which the possibility of war is utterly eliminated, a completely pacified globe would be a world without the distinction of friend and enemy and hence a world without politics … it is here even irrelevant whether such a world without politics is desirable as an ideal situation. The phenomenon of the political can be understood only in the context of the ever present possibility of the friend-and-enemy grouping, regardless of the aspects which this possibility implies for morality, aesthetics, and economics” (p. 35). Importantly, for the Catholic Schmitt, the enemy we are commanded to love is the private enemy (inimicus), not the public enemy of the political community (hostis).
- 37.
John Howard Yoder, The Schleitheim Confession (Scottdale, PA: Herald Press, 1973).
- 38.
See, for example, Greg Conti, “Jean Barbeyrac, Supererogation, and the Search for a Safe Religion,” Modern Intellectual History 13.1 (2016): 1–31.
- 39.
For a “Schmittian” reading of Stanley Hauerwas’ “anti-liberalism,” see Nathan Kerr, Christ, History, and Apocalyptic: The Politics of Christian Mission (Eugene, OR: Cascade Books, 2009). For Kerr, “postliberal concern to secure a certain fixed narratival and linguistic ‘identity’ for the church risks a structurally imperialistic and functionally ideological articulation of the church’s political and missionary existence in the world” (p. 20). Unlike Yoder, according to Kerr, Hauerwas remains within “a negative interpretation of state sovereignty as ideologically determined” (117). See also Peter Dula and Alex Sider, “Radical Democracy, Radical Ecclesiology,” Cross Currents 55.4 (2006): 482–504.
- 40.
Jan-Werner Muller, A Dangerous Mind: Carl Schmitt in Post-war European Thought (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2003), p. 231.
- 41.
By contrast, for Yoder, “with the age of Constantine, Providence no longer needed to be an object of faith, for God’s governance of history had become empirically evident in the person of the Christian ruler of the world.” See John Howard Yoder, The Priestly Kingdom: Social Ethics as Gospel (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1984), p. 136.
- 42.
See Helmut David Baer and Joseph E. Capizzi, “Just War Theories Reconsidered: Problems with Prima Facie Duties and the Need for a Political Ethics,” Journal of Religious Ethics 33.1 (March 2005): 119–37.
- 43.
Jonathan Tran, The Vietnam War and Theologies of Memory: Time and Eternity in the Far Country (Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010). Tran argues that confusions about time and eternity are parasitic on non-Christian notions of scarcity and the desire to master history. These lead to “distortions in theological language that speak of war as responsible” (p. 2).
- 44.
See Wayne Meeks, “Apocalyptic Discourse and Strategies of Goodness,” Journal of Religion 80.3 (July 2000): 461–75.
- 45.
James Jaffer, ed., The Drone Memos: Targeted Killing, Secrecy, and the Law (New York: American Civil Liberties Union Foundation, 2016), and Amos N. Guiora, Legitimate Target: A Criteria-Based Approach to Targeted Killing (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013).
- 46.
The emphasis on a singular apocalyptic in-breaking through cross and resurrection (or even Israel and church) may yield an eschatological pacifism that formally parallels certain Augustinian perspectives on the homogeneity of the saeculum as one damn thing after another. For a messianic political theology that appears to equally deny pacifism and just war, see Ted A. Smith, Weird John Brown: Divine Violence and the Limits of Ethics (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2014).
- 47.
Oliver O’Donovan, The Just War Revisited (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), p. 6.
- 48.
Ibid., p. 8.
- 49.
Ibid., p. 28.
- 50.
See, for example, David M. Lantigua, “War and the Ethics of Evangelization: The Great Commission in Sixteenth-Century Spanish Thought,” in Matthew A. Tapie and Daniel Wade McClain, eds., Reading Scripture as a Political Act (Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 2015), pp. 169–93.
- 51.
Augustine, Letter 138, in Augustine: Political Writings, edited by E. M. Atkins and R. J. Dodaro (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001), p. 38.
- 52.
See, for example, Michael Lamb, “Augustine and Republican Liberty: Contextualizing Coercion,” Augustinian Studies 48 (2017): 119–59.
- 53.
On Augustine’s famous account of judgment, punishment, and necessity in City of God 19.6, see, Veronica Roberts Ogle, “Sheathing the Sword: Augustine and the Good Judge,” Journal of Religious Ethics 46.4 (2018): 718–47. Ogle highlights not only grief, but the importance of performing civic duty with humanitas.
- 54.
Recently, Nigel Biggar marshals various empirical studies and narratives to argue (non-romantic) love of enemy is psychologically possible in war, provided the intention is to stop wrongdoing rather than annihilate enemies. See Nigel Biggar, In Defence of War (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), especially chapter 2, “Love in war.” For critical responses, see Lisa Cahill, “How Should War Be Related to Christian Love?,” Soundings 97.2 (2014): 186–95 and Vic McCracken, “Can Love Walk the Battlefield? A Reply to Nigel Biggar,” Journal of the Society of Christian Ethics 38.1 (2018): 59–76.
- 55.
Ramsey famously linked the just war tradition to biblical notions of charity in the parable of the Good Samaritan: “[W]hat do you think Jesus would have made the Samaritan do if he had come upon the scene while the robbers were still at their fell work,” in The Just War: Force and Political Responsibility (New York: Scribner, 1968), p. 143.
- 56.
Adam Hollowell helpfully describes a development in Paul Ramsey’s definition of tragedy as “Thomist”: less in terms of the inevitability of sin, and more in terms of “the inability to intervene in a ‘palpably just cause’ due to restraint by the moral limitations of justified war.” See Adam Edward Hollowell, Power and Purpose: Paul Ramsey and Contemporary Christian Political Theology (Grand Rapid, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2015), p. 112.
- 57.
Hauerwas, “Epilogue: A Pacifist Response to the Bishops,” 181. Yoder, even more strongly, states “the question is not whether or not one can have clean hands but which kind of complicity in which kind of inevitable evil is preferable.” See John Howard Yoder, “‘Patience’ as Method in Moral Reasoning: Is an Ethic of Discipleship ‘Absolute’?” in Stanley Hauerwas, et al, The Wisdom of the Cross: Essays in Honor of John Howard Yoder (Grand Rapids, MI: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1999), pp. 24–42.
- 58.
Ramsey, Speak Up for Just War or Pacifism, p. 89.
- 59.
Among philosophers, this issue has become a central topic in the ethics of war. Such proposals, however, often stop short of recommending the “deep morality of war” should actually be applied in law given a host of mitigating reasons that diminish responsibility and the limits of international law. See Jeff McMahan, Killing in War (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009).
- 60.
Recall Yoder’s famous claim that the “really refined temptation with which Jesus himself was tried was not crude sensuality but that of egocentric altruism; of being oneself the incarnation of a good and righteous cause for which others may rightly be made to suffer; of stating in the form of a duty to others one’s self-justification.” See John Howard Yoder, “What Would You Do If?” Journal of Religious Ethics 2.1 (Fall 1974): 101.
- 61.
For a critical assessment of Christian advocacy for humanitarian intervention, see Esther Reed, “Responsibility to Protect and Militarized Humanitarian Intervention: When and Why the Churches Failed to Discern Moral Hazard,” Journal of Religious Ethics 40.2 (Spring 2012): 308–44.
- 62.
See, for example, Samuel Moyn, The Last Utopia: Human Rights in History (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2012), and John S. Nurser, For all Peoples and All Nations: The Ecumenical Church and Human Rights (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2005).
- 63.
See Lisa Tessman, Burdened Virtues: Virtue Ethics for Liberatory Struggles (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005).
- 64.
Hunter, To Change the World, p. 286.
- 65.
James K. A. Smith, Awaiting the King: Reforming Public Theology (Grand Rapids, MI: Brazos Academic 2017), p. 120. Smith, who once expected to write Hauerwas for Kuyperians, surprisingly can now sound like a latter-day combination of both Rauschenbusch and Niebuhr: calling for a political project that “labors in the hope that our political institutions can be bent, if ever so slightly, toward the coming kingdom of love” (p. 17) with dispositions of “calculated ambivalence and circumspection tempered by the ad hoc evaluations about selective collaboration for the common good” (p. xiv).
- 66.
Hauerwas, Peaceable Kingdom, p. 106.
- 67.
Cf. Ephraim Radner, A Brutal Unity: The Spiritual Politics of the Christian Church (Waco, TX: Baylor University Press, 2012). Through a detailed discussion of the case of Rwanda, Radner claims that the emergence of liberal constitutionalism, in part, is a providential chastisement of the church: “Christians invented the liberal state, and they did so out of the stones of their own ecclesiological and spiritual struggles and commitments” (p. 49). Accordingly, he argues, Christians might learn from these “civic” alternatives “as one who has forgotten her identity and somehow and for some reason, gain a glimpse of our better self” (381, n. 52).
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Gregory, E. (2021). Beyond Critique: Just War as Theological Political Theology. In: Kabala, B.Z., Menchaca-Bagnulo, A., Pinkoski, N. (eds) Augustine in a Time of Crisis. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-61485-0_20
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