Abstract
This chapter follows a group of Luso-African militant-poets, chief amongst them Mario de Andrade, Marcelino Dos Santos, Amilcar Cabral, and Aquino Bragança, who used Rabat as a home base for anti-colonial activism in the Portuguese colonies starting in the late 1950s. The Moroccan government provided them with passports, headquarters, press coverage, and weapons. Morocco also served as a liberated space, on the African continent, for them to imagine what one could be in the wake of an empire. In Rabat, these militant-poets met young Moroccan writers who were haunted by similar concerns over their role in the postcolonial world, amongst them poet Abdellatif Laâbi founder of the Moroccan literary journal Souffles. Through their relationships with the members of Souffles, these Luso-Africans were able to build networks of support in Morocco that lasted long after the support of the Moroccan government had dried up.
Jean Sénac, ‘Ode à l’Amérique Africaine,’ in Jean Sénac, Œuvre Poétiques (Paris: Actes Sud, 1986), 693.
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Notes
- 1.
Noureddine Djoudi, interview with author, March 27, 2018, Algiers, Algeria.
- 2.
National Archives and Records Administration, College Park, United States, (NARA), RG 59, Entry 1613, Box 2039, Folder “Pol ALG-UAR, 1/1/70,” WHCF, State Department Telegrams,State Department telegram to US embassy in Lagos, November 6, 1970, cited in Mohamed Lakhdar Ghettas, Algeria and the Cold War: International Relations and the Struggle for Autonomy (London: I.B. Tauris & Co. Ltd., 2018), 95.
- 3.
Noureddine Djoudi, interview with author, March 27, 2018, Algiers, Algeria.
- 4.
Noureddine Djoudi, interview with author, March 27, 2018, Algiers, Algeria.
- 5.
The 1963 War of the Sands started with a series of desert skirmishes along the Algerian-Moroccan desert border—skirmishes that escalated into full-blown conflict between the two young nations at the end of September 1963. The war resulted from the absence of clear delineation between the two countries and from the discovery of important natural resources in the disputed area. See Pierre Vermeren, Histoire du Maroc Depuis l’indépendance (Paris: la Découverte, 2002), 36–7.
- 6.
See: Jeffrey James Byrne, Mecca of Revolution: Algeria, Decolonization and the Third World Order (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016); Samir Meghelli, “‘A Weapon In Our Struggle For Liberation’: Black Arts, Black Power, and the 1969 Pan-African Cultural Festival,” in The Global Sixties in Sound and Vision: Media, Counterculture, Revolt, eds. Timothy Scott Brown and Andrew Lison (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014); Samir Meghelli, “From Harlem to Algiers: Transnational Solidarities Between the African American Freedom Movement and Algeria, 1962–1978,” in Black Routes to Islam, eds. Manning Marable and Hishaam Aidi (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009); Elaine Mokhtefi, Algiers, Third World Capital: Freedom Fighters, Revolutionaries, Black Panthers (London: Verso, 2018); Ben Salama, Alger: La Mecque des Révolutionnaires, 56 minutes, 2016, Arte France; Ode Arne Westad, The Global Cold War: Third World Interventions and the Making of Our Times (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005). Not to forget, of course, Matthew Connelly’s book, which first demonstrated the international nature of the FLN’s fight against the French. Before the postcolonial Algerian state served as a home-base for liberation groups from across Africa and the world, the FLN had already harnessed the nascent forces of globalisation to lead a struggle for international public opinion, rather than confront France in a purely military struggle. See: Matthew Connelly, A Diplomatic Revolution: Algeria’s Fight for Independence and the Origins of the Post-Cold War Era (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002). The FLN (Algeria’s National Liberation Front or Front de Libération Nationale in French) was one of several political organizations that directed the Algerian war of Independance. After Algeria’s independance the FLN became the sole constitutionally legal party in Algeria.
- 7.
The leftists from around the world were dubbed the “pieds-rouges” in reference to the French “pieds-noirs,” colonial Algeria’s European inhabitants. See Byrne, Mecca of Revolution, 5.
- 8.
The young King Hassan II was convinced that Morocco needed to re-establish the exterior policy balance in favour of the Western bloc and restore, domestically, a certain level of economic and social conservatism. Strongly supported by the conservative and nationalist branch of the Istiqlal, the government’s main concern was to stave off the UNFP (Union Nationale des Forces Populaires), a syndicalist and third-worldist break-off of the Istiqlal, whose allegiances were more to the Eastern bloc. See Vermeren, Histoire du Maroc, 30–32.
- 9.
Byrne, Mecca of Revolution, 291.
- 10.
The Casa dos Estudantes do Império was a living facility for students from the former Portuguese Empire who were in Lisbon for university. Originally intended, by the Portuguese government, as a place of socialisation and support for African students, it rapidly became a cradle for nationalist movements from the colonies. For more information on the history of the Casa, see: Antonio Faria, Linha Estreita de Liberdade: A Casa dos Estudantes do Império (Lisboa: Edições Colibri, 1997); Martins Helder, Casa dos Estudantes do Império: Subsídios para a História do Período Mais Decisivo da CEI (1953 a 1961) (Alfragide: Caminho, 2017); Claudia Castelo and Miguel Bandeira Jerónimo, eds., Casa dos Estudantes do Império: Dinâmicas coloniais, conexões transnacionais (Lisboa: Edições 70, 2017); Costa Andrade et Al, Mensagem: Cinquentenário da Fundação da Casa dos Estudantes do Império 1944–1994 (Lisboa: Associação Casa dos Estudantes do Império, 1997). For an anthology of poetry from the Casa, see: Aida Freudenthal, ed., Antologias de Poesia da Casa dos Estudantes do Império, Volumes 1 and 2 (Lisboa: Associação Casa dos Estudantes do Império, 1994).
- 11.
See Bragança, Battles Waged, Lasting Dreams, Aquino de Bragança: the Man and his Times (Bardez: Goa 1556, 2011), 117–25 and Mario de Andrade, “Mémoires d’une Aventure Intellectuelle,” Transcription of interview given to Michel Laban, March 19, 1984, Arquivo Mario Pinto de Andrade, Fundação Mário Soares, 84–118, available: http://casacomum.org/cc/visualizador?pasta=10195.001.001
- 12.
Andrade, “Mémoires d’une Aventure Intellectuelle,” 91–92.
- 13.
Bragança, Battles Waged, Lasting Dream, 119.
- 14.
Mario de Andrade, interview with Bragança, Battles Waged, Lasting Dreams. 98.
- 15.
Not to be confused with the better-known Casablanca Conference. In January 1961, the first king of independent Morocco, Mohammed V, inspired by his encounter with Patrice Lumumba, brought together the hardliners and stars of the nascent institutional Pan-Africanist ideology (Algerian Ferhat Abbas, Malian Modibo Keita, Egyptian Gamal Abdel Nasser, Ghanaian Kwame Nkrumah, and Guinean Ahmed Sékou Touré) for the Conference of Casablanca. The Conference’s stated goal was to eliminate racial segregation, as well as liquidate the colonial regimes across Africa. The participants stood firmly behind Algeria and the Congo in their struggles for independence and called for inter-African cooperation. Yacouba Zerbo, “La problématique de l’unité africaine. (1958–1963),” Guerres mondiales et conflits contemporains, 212, no. 4, (2003): 113–127; Brahim El Guabli, “Refiguring Pan-Africanism Through Algerian–Moroccan Competitive Festivals,” Interventions: International Journal of Postcolonial Studies 20, no. 7 (2018): 1053–1071; Ahmed Balafrej, “La charte de Casablanca et l’unité africaine,” Le Monde Diplomatique, June 1962, 11–12.
- 16.
African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde or Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde (PAIGC); People’s Movement for the Liberation of Angola or Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola (MPLA); Mozambique Liberation Front or Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (FRELIMO); Movement for the Liberation of São Tomé and Príncipe or Movimento de Libertação de São Tomé e Príncipe (MLSTP).
- 17.
Anouchka de Andrade, interview with author, July 17, 2018, Saint-Denis, France; Henda de Andrade, interview with author, July 29, 2018, Saint-Denis, France.
- 18.
Mario de Andrade, interview with Bragança, Battles Waged, Lasting Dreams, 99. One reason to choose Morocco over Tunisia was Habib Bourguibas’ government show of support for Holden Roberto’s party the National Liberation Front of Angola, FLNA. The MPLA and FLNA were warring for the control of the anti-colonialist movement. Based in eastern Angola, Holden Roberto’s party drew support from the United States and Israel. The MPLA’s allegiances were communist, however, and they received support from the Soviet Union. See: Arslam Humbaraci “Le Plan Khatib,” Jeune Afrique, January 23, 1962.
- 19.
Jocelyne Laâbi, La Liqueur d’Aloès (Paris: Différence, 2005), 123.
- 20.
Marcelino Dos Santos, “Letter to his Majesty Hassan II,” Rabat, April 27, 1961, Fundo Amilcar Cabral, Fundação Mario Soares, http://casacomum.org/cc/visualizador?pasta=04623.158.004#!1
- 21.
Marcelino Dos Santos, “Letter to Joao Cabral,” June 11, 1961, Rabat, Fundo Amilcar Cabral, Fundação Mario Soares, http://casacomum.org/cc/visualizador?pasta=04604.023.011. For information on Joao Cabral see: Tor Sellstrom, Sweden and National Liberation in Southern Africa: Formation of a Popular Opinion (1950–1970) (Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, 1999), 385.
- 22.
Marcelino dos Santos, “Letter to Joao Cabral,” June 11, 1961, Rabat, Fundo Amilcar Cabral, Fundação Mario Soares, http://casacomum.org/cc/visualizador?pasta=04604.023.011
- 23.
“Bulletin d’Informations du Secrétariat Permanent de la Conférence des Organisations Nationalistes des Colonies Portugaises,” Number 1, Rabat, December 30, 1961, Arquivo Mario Soares, http://casacomum.org/cc/visualizador?pasta=02603.016#!1
- 24.
Bulletin d’Informations, and “Mohammed V et L’Afrique – Témoignage” – Testemunho de Mário Pinto de Andrade sobre Mohamed V, November 5, 1987, Fundo Mário Pinto de Andrade, Arquivo Mario Soares, http://casacomum.org/cc/visualizador?pasta=04357.009.002#!3
- 25.
Minervina Celeste Fortunato, Assises Maroc-Afrique, Rabat, February 18–19, 2018.
- 26.
“Programa da Formação Técnica e Militar dos Estagiários do PAIGC em Marrocos,” March 10, 1962, Fundo Amilcar Cabral, Arquivo Mario Soares, http://casacomum.org/cc/visualizador?pasta=07068.098.017#!3
- 27.
Archives Diplomatiques de Nantes, Nantes, France (ADN), 558/PO/1, Letter from Jaques Tiné to the Minister of Foreign Affairs in Paris, Rabat, July 6, 1963.
- 28.
ADN, 558/PO/1, Letter from Jaques Tiné to the Minister of Foreign Affairs in Paris, Rabat, July 6, 1963.
- 29.
Bragança, Battles Waged, Lasting Dream, op.cit., 164; Martins Helder, Porque Sakrani? (Maputo: Editorial Terceiro Milenio, 2001).
- 30.
ADN, 558/PO/1, letter from Pierre de Leusse to the Minister of Foreign Affairs in Paris, Rabat, 1963, 7.
- 31.
ADN, 558/PO/1, A letter from Albert Roux to the Minister Conseiller Chargé d’Affaires in Rabat, August 2, 1962.
- 32.
ADN, 558/PO/1, Letter from Jaques Tiné to Colonel Duprez, Rabat, September 8, 1996.
- 33.
ADN, 558/PO/1, The French Embassy in a letter to the Portuguese Embassy, Rabat, September 21, 1962, 33.
- 34.
ADN, 558/PO/1, Letter from A. Deschamps, charges d’affaire of Tanganyika to the French Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dar Es Salaam, January 12, 1963.
- 35.
See footnote five for more on War of the Sands.
- 36.
Mario Pinto de Andrade, Uma Entrevista Dada a Michel Laban (Lisboa: Edições João Sá da Costa, 1997), 186.
- 37.
Amilcar Cabral, “Telegram to Hassan II,” 1963, Fundo Amilcar Cabral, Fundação Mario Soares, http://casacomum.org/cc/visualizador?pasta=07075.144.050
- 38.
Mario Pinto de Andrade’s passport, Arquivo Mário Pinto de Andrade, Fundação Mário Soares, http://casacomum.org/cc/visualizador?pasta=04359.006.006. Zakya Daoud, email interview with author, February 11, 2018.
- 39.
Mostapha Nissabouri, interview with author, February 13, 2018, Casablanca, Morocco.
- 40.
Tahar ben Jelloun, interview with Kenza Sefraoui, September 13, 2004, Paris, in Kenza Sefraoui, La Revue Souffles, 1966–1973: Espoirs de Révolution Culturelle au Maroc (Rabat: Editions du Sirocco, 2013), 322.
- 41.
Abdellatif Laâbi, “Prologue,” Souffles, no. 1 (first trimester 1966): 6.
- 42.
Zakya Daoud, Les Années Lamalif (1958–1988): trente ans de journalisme au Maroc (Casablanca: Tarik Editions, 2007), 201–02.
- 43.
For more on Mehdi Ben Barka’s disappearance, see: Bachir Ben Barka, ed., Mehdi Ben Barka en Héritage: de la Tricontinentale a l’Altermondialisme (Paris: Editions Syllepse, 2007); René Gallissot and Jacques Kergoat, eds., Mehdi Ben Barka: de l’Indépendance Marocaine à la Tricontinentale (Paris: Karthala, 1997); Saïd Bouamama, Figures de la Révolution Africaine: de Kenyatta à Sankara (Paris: la Découverte, 2014).
- 44.
Vermeren, Histoire du Maroc. M. Rollinde, Le Mouvement Marocain des Droits de l’Homme (Paris: Karthala, 2002); Sefraoui, La Revue Souffles, 53–56.
- 45.
Serhat Karakayali, Une Saison Ardente: Souffles, 50 ans après (Casablanca: Editions du Sirocco, 2017).
- 46.
See issue on the Cultural Congress of Havana, Souffles, no. 9 (first trimester 1968).
- 47.
The Souffles editorial team denounced Haile Selassie’s annexation of Eritrea and the destruction of the country’s economic powers. Backed by the United-States and the Zionists, the writers explained, Ethiopia was a colonial power like all others. Accusing the Organisation of African Unity of ignoring the conflict, the Souffles writers explained that Ethiopia’s brand of colonialism, back by the Americans and the Zionists, was no different from that of the European powers. Backed by the United-States and the Zionists, the writers explained, Ethiopia was a colonial power like all others. “Fiche Erythrée,” Souffles, no. 19 (1970): 51–53.
- 48.
“Fiche Erythrée,” Souffles, no. 19 (1970): 49.
- 49.
“Fiche Erythrée,” Souffles, no. 19 (1970): 49.
- 50.
Agostinho Neto, “Nous devons nous battre jusqu’à la victoire,” Souffles, no. 19 (1970): 34.
- 51.
Siné, the first artist, was one of the victims in the Charlie Hebdo Attacks in January 2015. I cannot figure out who JB was.
- 52.
“Bulletin du FRELIMO,” July 1969, in Souffles, no. 19 (1970): 91.
- 53.
“Bulletin du FRELIMO, July 1969,” in Souffles, no. 19 (1970): 1
- 54.
“Bulletin du FRELIMO, July 1969,” in Souffles, no. 19 (1970): 1.
- 55.
Abdellatif Laâbi, letter to Mario de Andrade, Rabat, February 5, 1971, Arquivo Mario Pinto de Andrade, Fundação Mario Soares, http://casacomum.org/cc/visualizador?pasta=07559.001.015#!2
- 56.
Abdellatif Laâbi, letter to Mario de Andrade, Rabat, February 5, 1971, Arquivo Mario Pinto de Andrade, Fundação Mario Soares, http://casacomum.org/cc/visualizador?pasta=07559.001.015#!2
- 57.
Laâbi, La Liqueur d’Aloès, 174.
- 58.
Jocelyne Laâbi, La Liqueur d’Aloès (Paris: Différences, 2005), 174.
- 59.
Since the publication of Kenza Sefraoui’s excellent dissertation La Revue Souffles (1966–1973): Espoirs de Révolution Culturelle au Maroc, the scholarship on Souffles has rapidly multiplied. In Morocco, Souffles is no longer the taboo that it used to be. Until the late 1990s, it was almost impossible to find copies of the journal, but from 1997 to 2004, two American professors, Thomas C. Spear and Anne George, digitised Souffles, and the Moroccan Royal Library uploaded it to their website in 2010. The journal has now entered the pantheon of Moroccan National culture and is being reclaimed by the heir to the Moroccan government that imprisoned and tortured Souffles’ members. Other scholars have delineated the theoretical and political underpinnings of the Souffles members, interviewed its members, and conducted in-depth analyses of the journal’s content. Scholars such as Teresa Villa-Ignacio have explored the group’s ties to the Black American community; others such as Andy Stafford have analysed the third-worldist tendencies of the journal. See: Thea Pitman and Andy Stafford, “Introduction: transatlanticism and tricontinentalism,” Journal of Transatlantic Studies, 7, no. 3 (September 2009): 197–207; Andy Stafford, “Tricontinentalism in recent Moroccan intellectual history: the case of Souffles,” Journal of Transatlantic Studies 7, no. 3 (September 2009): 218–232; Teresa Villa-Ignacio, “Decolonizing violence: revolutionary affinities between the US Black power movement and the Moroccan journal Souffles,” The Journal of North African Studies 23, no. 1–2 (2018): 13–33; Marion von Osten, “Aesthetics of Decolonization—the Magazine Souffles (1966–1977),” Asia, 70, no. 4 (2016): 1265–1284.
- 60.
Abdellatif Laâbi, “Cellule de Prisonnier,” In Abdellatif Laâbi, Sous le Bâillon, Le Poème (Écrits de prison, 1972–1980) (Paris: Editions l’Harmattan, 1981), 88.
- 61.
Abdellatif Laâbi, “Lettre à un Ami Angolais,” In Laâbi, Sous le Bâillon, 139.
- 62.
Laâbi, “Lettre a un ami angolais,” In Laâbi, Sous le Bâillon, 140.
- 63.
Laâbi, “Lettre a un ami angolais,” In Laâbi, Sous le Bâillon, 140.
- 64.
Laâbi, “Lettre a un ami angolais,” In Laâbi, Sous le Bâillon, 141.
- 65.
Laâbi, “Lettre a un ami angolais,” In Laâbi, Sous le Bâillon, 139–140.
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Tolan-Szkilnik, P. (2020). ‘Between their hands a fabulous geography is born’: The Maghreb Generation and the Fight to Decolonise and Unite Africa’s Minds. In: Grilli, M., Gerits, F. (eds) Visions of African Unity. African Histories and Modernities. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-52911-6_10
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