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Abstract

This chapter discusses political fault lines and issues of a new political era. Populism has been an unexpected and dominating political phenomenon in the first two decades of the century. Some even call it a political revolution or a disruption like other disruptions the world has encountered in this period. It’s not new as a political force that takes shape under certain economic and social circumstances, but it’s still a challenge to cope with and define in the context of modern Western democracies. Populists have succeeded in gaining real power as presidents, prime ministers, and members of government coalitions. They have achieved these positions through democratic elections and not by coups or violence. They seem to be willing to play by the accepted rules in pluralistic, democratic societies, but in some countries in Europe and overseas, populist leaders have tended to follow a course towards nationalism and authoritarianism and thereby become a threat to established liberal democracies.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    In Denmark, the Social Democrats courted the populist Danish People’s Party, and both in Austria and Norway, the conservative parties formed coalition governments with populist parties that, in the past, had been political untouchables.

  2. 2.

    Europe’s gloominess, preceded the referendum because of worries of the populist wave sweeping through the continent, fear of the consequences of the British referendum and EU’s midlife crisis. The EU suffered from paralysis and inability to reform itself while countries like Hungary and Poland were becoming increasingly hostile towards Brussels and the values which the community is based on. Putin and Russia post Crimea were another reason for gloom rather than happiness. More than enough to be gloomy about.

  3. 3.

    The following three sections are based on my column in Berlingske, 14 June 2019.

  4. 4.

    Indeed, winning an election is the criterion for mastering the authentic political craft. Mastering such political craft is to show that you can manage change and show tangible political results in terms of laws and programs that create more prosperity, equality, and justice for a nation.

  5. 5.

    It is true for all historical periods that have witnessed dramatic changes. But it’s hard, to mention any period that has seen more dramatic and sweeping changes than the disruption the technological revolution has unleashed in terms of speed, depth, and range. In my view the period we are living through is extraordinary even in comparison with other big shifts in our history like Gutenberg’s printing press, the Enlightenment, or the Industrialization.

  6. 6.

    What the technological revolution has meant in the past 20 years for commerce, science, communication, infrastructure, education, the media, and consequently for politics and the social fabric in modern western societies as well as the developing world is obvious and described in detail in the existing literature and the media (see, e.g., Fourth Industrial Revolution on World Economic Forum, www.weforum.org/focus/fourth-industrial-revolution)

  7. 7.

    These are 2018–2019 trends discussed earlier, e.g., the EU election, the Democrats’ midterm victory in the USA, Caputova in Slovakia, the collapse of the populist coalition in Italy, and the defeat of the Danish populists in the national election in Denmark. It emerges, populism does not follow one consistent direction with one unbroken growth curve, but exists and evolves with the progress and the setbacks caused by its opportunistic nature. Progress and victory in one country does not exclude a downturn and defeat in another.

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Rachlin, S. (2020). The Paradox of Democracy. In: Turcan, R.V., Reilly, J.E. (eds) Populism and Higher Education Curriculum Development: Problem Based Learning as a Mitigating Response. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47376-1_5

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-47376-1_5

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