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Prison as Palimpsest: The Dialectics of the Cell and Everyday Life

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The Prison Cell

Part of the book series: Palgrave Studies in Prisons and Penology ((PSIPP))

Abstract

The prison cell is typically conceived of as devoid of texture; a place of narrow, negative meanings. This chapter examines dimensions of the cell as experienced by men in a maximum-security penitentiary, focusing on ways that the cell reflects important dimensions of their internal and external geographies. Responding to trends in the theorisation of incarceration and carceral geography, we describe the cell as a site of contestation, agency, representation, and a crucible for efforts to forge individuality and attachment. Rather than being static, the cell is many things simultaneously, and like a palimpsest reflects a process in time and space. Indeed, it is often a particularly dynamic and significant space in the life of the prison and of prisoners, having both positive and negative attributes.

The authors of this chapter are Shaul Cohen (corresponding author), Bianca P., Daniel, Don S., Emily Kalbrosky, Eric, Jaime, Jason Christner, Jimmy, John Knight, Jordan Pickrel, Josh Cain, Julie Williams-Reyes, Kathleen Dwyer, Kehala Hervey, Kosol, Kyle Hedquist, Michael, Phoebe Petersen, Sang Nguyen, and Shannon Fender. Names appear as requested by each participating member of the ACE group. The authors would like to thank Dr. Diane Baxter for her comments on early versions of this chapter.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Over the years there has been some discussion in our group about what term to use for people who are incarcerated. When we began our prison education work the Department of Corrections used the term ‘inmate’, which was and continues to be stamped on the clothing of those living here. That term was deemed pejorative by a majority of our group, and we opted to use the term ‘prisoner’, or one who is held against their will. Recently Oregon has shifted to the term ‘Adult in Custody’ (though the clothing continues to be marked with ‘Inmate’ and the Oregon DOC emblem), but that term has not gained much acceptance. Any nomenclature used in this context is political; see for example Hickman (2015) for a review of some of the terms and their implications.

  2. 2.

    Our education work in Oregon’s prisons began as part of the national Inside-Out programme, which is based at Temple University. In the spirit of that organisation, our academic courses and other activities in carceral facilities include ‘outside’ participants who we bring in to participate in shared learning opportunities with people who are incarcerated. The ACE group functions as a steering committee for the University of Oregon’s Prison Education Programme, and is composed of individuals who voluntarily take on leadership roles in relation to education specifically and in many other prison programmes as well.

  3. 3.

    All quotes from personal observations have been made anonymous, an aspect of our writing process which we discuss more fully on p.148.

  4. 4.

    It is our sense that the Oregon State Penitentiary is less harsh and has more positive opportunities than many other maximum security prisons that we have been in or read about. It is also important to note that while prisons are highly regimented institutions, they are also in many respects quite arbitrary, thus we represent these experiences as solely our own even within this facility.

  5. 5.

    In Oregon’s jails and prisons punishments can be part of the regular judicial system, that is, as a consequence of formal charges and a trial; as part of an internal administrative process; or simply as a decision made by a staff member. At the extreme end of sanctions are the death penalty, additional prison sentences, and the loss of opportunity for earlier release by the parole board. Solitary confinement of varying length is also a very serious threat, as is transfer to another prison, which can be enormously disruptive for a prisoner and for their family. Other consequences can include loss of jobs, fines, suspension of ability to participate in prison club activities or to go outside, and ‘celling in’, which is a short-term confinement to the cell. In prison physical pain and humiliation can also be administered in different manners and contexts.

  6. 6.

    While gangs are not as influential at OSP as they are in some prisons, they do exist, and their territoriality manifests on the prison yard, in the chow hall, and in some parts of the cell blocks. Beyond specific gang affiliation, race is a significant factor, and African-American and White prisoners do not cell together, which is to say that such a pairing would be unacceptable to some of the population and lead to violence; and the prison administration choses to avoid that dynamic. As in most prisons in the United States, at the Oregon State Penitentiary there is a hierarchy of status that dictates some aspects of social relations, including who can—or cannot—live with whom. The top echelon related to the charges for which an individual was convicted is the taking of another person’s life, and the bottom echelon is filled by those convicted of child abuse or rape. Those at the bottom of this pecking order are often targeted, and for that reason and ‘guilt by association’ they are usually assigned to a cell with others of similar standing. ‘Regular’ prisoners generally do not want to reside with or even next to those who have this pariah status.

  7. 7.

    At OSP there are the typical jobs preparing food, cleaning, and so forth. There are also jobs for some of the prisoners in the facilities of Oregon Corrections Enterprises, a quasi-private contractor that operates metal and wood shops, and industrial laundry, and a call centre within the prison. The issue of prison labour is a complex and interesting topic that is beyond the scope of this chapter (see LeBaron 2012). Among our authors are men who work in each of these areas.

  8. 8.

    Discussion of prison culture in relation to LGBTQ individuals is outside the scope of this paper, and the authors recognise the problematic nature of the marginalisation—including ‘neighbourhood’ marginalisation.

  9. 9.

    See also Marti (this volume) for a discussion of the changing relationship with the prison cell over time and across a prison sentence.

  10. 10.

    See also Michalon (this volume) for a discussion of agency and resistance in cell space.

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The ACE Steering Committee. (2020). Prison as Palimpsest: The Dialectics of the Cell and Everyday Life. In: Turner, J., Knight, V. (eds) The Prison Cell. Palgrave Studies in Prisons and Penology. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-39911-5_7

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-39911-5_7

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