Abstract
The tricoloured flag India adopted in 1947 to mark its independence from Britain, the Tiraṅgā, results in fact from the combination of four elements whose official and popular semiotics has traversed several waves of negotiations during the decades preceding the foundation of contemporary India. Three of these elements are its equally sized, horizontal colours: saffron, white, and green; theirs is a chronicle of embeddedness in both confessional and secularist narratives which had shaped ancient and modern India, whereby the colour at the top—the saffron—best testifies to the intensity of and controversies surrounding mentioned narratives. Related struggles are subsumed under the choice to replace the 1921/1931 spinning wheel (charkha) with the blue-stained Ashok/Dharma Chakra, the “Wheel of Law”. Significant legal accounts coalesce indeed into the Tiraṅgā, from both spiritual-philosophical and positivistic standpoints. Despite conveying a supposedly ethnicity-neutral identity, the Chakra is often replaced with sectarian symbols by “minority” movements when they protest against the Hindu majority’s legislative radicalism.
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Notes
- 1.
This observation encompasses the population as a whole and especially those involved in maritime trade, but definitely not the rulers with their diplomatic symbols and iconographic apparatuses; in fact, most Indian monarchs at that time (Golconda’s Qutub Shahis, Mughal/Moghul Emperors, Kings of Mysore, Lodi Sultans of Delhi, Kings of Bisnegar, etc.) did have a defining flag already. Of particular interest here, the Bhagwā Dhwaj or Kesariyā Patākā, which was the swallowtailed flag of the Maratha Confederacy, was fully saffron-coloured (MacDougall 2014, pp. 41, 121).
- 2.
See infra. The key Indian flag-related provision is the 2002 Flag Code of India, which updated and systematised the 1971 Prevention of Insults to National Honour Act No. 69, and the 1950 Emblems and Names (Prevention of Improper Use) Act No. 12.
- 3.
Mukherjee (2015), p. 176, two emphases added.
- 4.
Which is probably why it is preferably children-catching instead of overelaborated; nurturing a sense of attachment among the youth is a primary policy objective, and to do so, a country needs to start from its primary-school students. After the French Revolution too, ‘[t]he ultimate goal, as invoked in a poem written for the 1790 Festival of Federation, was to behold “[t]ous les enfans de la patrie/S’embrassant à la fois sous le même drapeau”’ (Keitner 2007, p. 83).
- 5.
Refer, most recently, to the large-scale protests triggered by the Citizenship (Amendment) Act approved on 11 December 2019 by the Parliament of India, that discriminates the Muslim component of India’s polity. Given that the constitutional ability to directly and indirectly uphold freedom of religion proved a major success factor for the Indian democracy (Mitra 2013, p. 236), the promulgation of mentioned Act represented a truly unfortunate and reactionary event. This notwithstanding, other scholars contended that in fact the Indian Constitution had always contained biased pro-Hindu provisions, starting exactly with those related to religious freedom; see e.g. Singh (2005). Furthermore, and one would say, astonishingly, citizenship is one of the three subject-matters not requiring enhanced majority to be amended in the Constitution (Gardbaum 2013, p. 31 ftn. 33).
- 6.
Paraphrasing Harvard’s postcolonialist Homi K. Bhabha.
- 7.
Supreme Court of India, Union of India v. Naveen Jindal & Anr., Appeal (civil) 2920 of 1996, Judgement delivered on January 23, 2004 [pp. 2-3, emphasis added].
- 8.
Author’s translation from the original in Italian.
- 9.
‘Most non-Indians would identify the band of color running across the top of the flag as orange, but to the locals it is saffron’ (Jacobsohn 2003, pp. 5–6).
- 10.
Emphasis added.
- 11.
In visual semiotics, “coloreme” refers to the basic cognitive ‘element of visual language […], an area of pictorial surface that can be perceived in one glance […]. In perception, the coloremes are assembled according to a set of rules, which Saint-Martin draws from Gestalt psychology, topology, and various theories of color’ (Manovich 1991, pp. 500–501). However, interestingly, while ‘[s]earching for the mechanisms of pictorial signification applicable to all pictures, [semioticians] repeatedly f[e]ll back on the intellectualizations that emerged in the modern discourses on art’ (ibid.).
- 12.
Krishnananda (1994), p. 32. In this excerpt, both the fire and the sun arguably attach a yellow/orange tonality to the visuality.
- 13.
Also as a challenge to the British trade of the Malwa opium along the same commercial routes—see Peabody (2003), p. 135.
- 14.
This explains why, supra, we indicated that saffron was already present and used in India from time immemorial. What matters the most for the sake of this essay is that despite the differences in the actual referenced substance, “saffron” (whatever that meant) could be mentioned to trigger a sense of (religious, but not only) continuity in the public imaginary and to “sell” such sense to the general population for identification with saffron-related symbols. In other words, “Indian” and “proper” saffron were discoursively merged as to found the new State on their contributions to India’s internal and external history.
- 15.
Darby (1998), p. 47.
- 16.
Moreover, ‘the Mewar rulers committed jauhar in 1303, 1534 and 1567 when resisting superior Muslim forces. Jauhar is probably a Rajput custom from Central Asia that was practised when confronted with certain defeat. To preserve their honour, Rajput women and children were consigned to death by fire, and then Rajput men purified themselves, donned saffron-coloured robes symbolising martyrdom, and fought until death’ (Ramusack 2004, p. 19). However, it is not possible to establish with certainty that specifically the saffron pigmentation had a deliberate nexus with mentioned cathartic spirit of (masculine) self-immolation.
- 17.
To the extent that by “saffron wave” one refers to the BJP ascension in Indian politics—read further at Thachil (2009).
- 18.
See further Madriaga (2007), p. 65, about the incredible variance in replies American citizens provided when asked about the meaning of the colours in the US flag. As the author himself admits, this pleads in favour of fixing a public interpretation able to dissipate the most extremist private ones.
- 19.
For a brilliant reconceptualisation of green and saffron as metaphors for caste-related environmental policies in India, refer to Sharma (2014).
- 20.
Penjore and Kinga (2002), p. 11. Curiously, there are flags like those of Nepal and Ohio which are neither rectangular nor squared, yet they flutter; the shape is obviously a matter of international standardisation rather than flying practicality.
- 21.
Mahatma Gandhi talking to Tai Chi Tao (President of the Examination Yuan of the Chinese Government), 23 November 1940, as reported in Tan (1998), pp. 38–39.
- 22.
‘Of those counted as cotton spinners in the census of 1881, 90% were female’ (Haynes 2012, p. 45).
- 23.
‘Although the […] spinning wheel did spread widely throughout Southeast Asia, the system was designed to absorb the time of household women, and not in most cases to produce competitively for the market’ (Reid 2009, p. 40).
- 24.
The reader is advised to appreciate the spelling difference between “charkha” and “chakra”.
- 25.
Footnoting omitted.
- 26.
Vajpeyi (2012), pp. 40–41, emphasis added.
- 27.
The concept of dharma cannot be accurately translated into English. Roughly speaking, its meaning might be assumed to stand midway in between “rule of law” and “pursuance of a morally-edifying social life”.
- 28.
[emphases in the original]. By way of labelling it with the benefit of hindsight, this might well be defined as a “constitutional monarchy” where the Constitution is not systematically written and the “spirit of the people” plays a vital role within the societal rule-adjusting process. This is what the British wiped out.
- 29.
Labelling Nehru as a “modernist” might sound misleading, insofar as his policies were pursued under the London label of “Fabian Socialism”.
- 30.
Bleiker (2004), p. 99.
- 31.
Palmisano and Pannofino (2017), pp. 10–11.
- 32.
Indeed, see the works by Max Weber (1864–1920) and namely his acknowledgement that traditional religions like Hinduism and Buddhism were factually impossible to practice under the rules of calculus, rationality, and natural/labour exploitation that modernity and capitalism imposed upon them—refer e.g. to Bocock (1992), p. 255.
- 33.
This notwithstanding, the reader is reminded that legal restrictions applied till recently to the flag’s display, before a Supreme Court’s pronouncement turned a state monopoly into a right granted to the whole citizenry.
- 34.
Emphasis added.
- 35.
This is further and more prosaically evidenced by the fact that all secularist symbology of independent India did not even loosely consider drawing on the railway, which was the most successful colonial symbol of laboriousness and progress under the aegis of the East India Railway and Great Indian Peninsular Railway “state”-owned companies.
- 36.
Voltaire, Essai sur les mœurs et l’esprit des nations et sur les principaux faits de l’histoire depuis Charlemagne jusqu’à Louis XIII (1756).
- 37.
James Burgh (1714–1775), reported in Claeys (1994), p. 91.
- 38.
- 39.
Kolstø (2006), p. 697.
- 40.
Maqbool Fida Husain v. Raj Kumar Pandey, Crl. Revision Petition Nos. 282/07—114/2007 & 280/2007, 8 May 2008.
- 41.
Exactly 4 months later; read further at Rose (2016), pp. 262–263.
- 42.
天下, or “All-Under-Heaven”; see further Rigby (2013).
- 43.
Nussbaum (1996), pp. 7–15.
- 44.
That is, the Commonwealth of Nations, an intergovernmental organisation of sovereign States not to be confused with the much narrower Commonwealth Realm (whose jurisdiction theoretically extends over, inter alia, Canada and Australia).
- 45.
Especially when it is going to lead a coalition of non-aligned, pacifist countries (Brown 2009, p. 301).
- 46.
Nevertheless, ‘Buddhism in India [has] never had a central ecclesiastic institution with the authority to decide matters of doctrine or law’ (Walser 2005, p. 95).
- 47.
Similarly, in Japan, Nishida ‘bridge[d] the seemingly insurmountable gap recognized in Western epistemology between the knowing subject and the known object [by disrupting] the dichotomy through a kind of phenomenological introspection: the primal nondiscrimination of subject-object in one’s concrete immediacy, entailing a rejection of the entire debate between materialism and idealism that has occupied much of the history of Western philosophy’ (Krummel 2014, p. 268).
- 48.
Nation, in this case, is used properly as to identify a community of people sharing common ethnical traits such as language, customs, memory, religion, mythology, etc. This term is not employed as a synonymous for “State/country”, nor—in open disagreement with some scholars—for a purely ‘mental construct’ as e.g. Ting (2008, p. 461) does. Accordingly, India (federal country, or “the State” under international relations/law) contains not only multiple States (administrative divisions), but also—and not necessarily overlappingly—multiple nations (social groups). One consequence is that “nationals” refers to those belonging to one of India’s nations, whilst “citizens” refers mostly to those holding citizenship of India as a whole. More abstractly, the tension is between nations—but also countries!—being ‘imagined political communities’ (Anderson 2006, p. 6) and national identities standing for ‘a complex of common ideas, concepts or perception schemes [including symbols] of related emotional attitudes intersubjectively shared within a specific group of persons, all of which are internalized through “national” socialization’ (De Cillia et al. 1999, p. 153). The country can be a legal fiction, yet the nation never is: it always manifests itself concretely and it is made of expressible ties among its members. Similiter, country symbols may easily be fictitious, whilst national ones are arguably more proximate to the populations’ sentiments and mythology: like “citizenship” and “nationality”, juridically, are not synonymous, country- and nation-wide artistic-political symbologies are not so, either.
- 49.
Haldar (2007), p. 71.
- 50.
Emphasis added.
- 51.
Especially Chapter “Dislocations. Light and Colour, Flags and Identifications”.
- 52.
Krishnananda (1994), p. 12.
- 53.
In his Discourse of Ecclesiastical Politie (1670), Samuel Parker (Bishop of Oxford) already commented that ‘external symbols are “changeable according to the variety of customs and places”, so that what is piety in one culture is superstition in another. All “actions are made significant by agreement” […] once the sovereign’s “public conscience” had pronounced’ (Goldie 1991, p. 614). Similarly, Adler (2014, pp. 174–176) built on recent American case-law to conclude societies and legal communities run the risk that ‘[t]he visual symbol is so powerful it may overpower the speaker. He may not be able to control its meaning. […] Visual images by their nature cannot be confined. In short, you can’t capture the flag. [… T]he flag is so powerful, so mystical and awe-inspiring that it is no longer an idea, no longer speech’, but multiple speeches at once, under the religious-like umbrella of blind idolatry.
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Acknowledgments
I wish to express my deepest gratitude to Mr. Aasheerwad Dwivedi (Assistant Professor in Economics at the University of Delhi) and Ms. Xiao Yi (MA Candidate in Education at King’s College London) for their generous suggestions and timely research assistance, respectively. I also wish to thank my doctoral supervisor, Professor Rostam Josef Neuwirth, for his helpful comments.
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Vecellio Segate, R. (2021). India’s Tiraṅgā at the Confluence of Postcolonial Nationalism, Cosmopolitan Aspirations, and Chromatic Social Cognition: “Saffronising” Democracy?. In: Wagner, A., Marusek, S. (eds) Flags, Color, and the Legal Narrative. Law and Visual Jurisprudence, vol 1. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-32865-8_19
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