Abstract
The current aestheticization and hyper-differentiation of wines in terms of their region of origin is part of a broader historical process of rationalization. Three vectors have since the nineteenth century played a key role in the forming of oenophilia: these are regulation by the state, scientific consolidation and dissemination via the media—whose convergent effects have contributed in constructing an object with particular characteristics. This cultural figure draws on the normativity of these three vectors, all of which have underscored the importance of the geographical provenance of wine in order to use it depending on their respective positions. In the economic-juridical and political-symbolic manifestations of the vector of state regulation, this “origin” refers to a cultural region of national sovereignty which is constructed in a metonymic way as the native region of national specificity. In the didactic realizations of oenophile normativity, emerging from the vector of scientific consolidation, this “origin” refers in an epistemic way to parcellated vineyard regions which are constructed as terroirs by the interaction of traditional, man-made viticultural techniques and the natural conditions, holding sensory potentials whose sub-text is of a moral order.
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Notes
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For instance by organizing public tasting courses based on the precepts of oenological science or by accompanying professional multiplicators who are in a dialogue with journalists, such as the Commission de Promotion des Vins et Crémants Luxembourgeois.
- 3.
The entire wine growing region has one single designation (Marque Nationale – Appellation Contrôlée Moselle Luxembourgeoise) to which can be added the following supplementary mentions of quality : ‘vin classé’, ‘premier cru’ or ‘grand premier cru’. In the first two cases the locality of the parcel is also mentioned. Needless to say this system is practicable only due to the very small size of the wine-growing region (currently 1300 ha).
- 4.
Incidentally, the current definition of the Institut National des Appellations d’Origine (INAO) no longer includes this clause, defining ‘terroir’ as follows: “A terroir is (1) a demarcated geographical space, (2) in which a human community (4) builds in the course of its history a collective expertise of production (4) based on a system of interactions between the physical and biological environment and a set of human factors. (5) The itineraries thus brought into play (6) reveal an originality, (7) confer a typicity (8) and achieve a reputation (9) for a good that originates from this geographical space” (Source www.inao.gouv.fr, accessed 10 January 2007).
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But also in more recent times, when wine growing was more solidly established, the involvement of the state has remained a constant one through a permanent legislative institutionalisation that includes organizing the regrouping of wine making (since the 1960s), financial support for the creation of the Fonds de Solidarité Viti-Vinicole (1965), introduction of the official term Appellation contrôlée as a complement to the Marque nationale (in 1988), the designation Crémant de Luxembourg (in 1991)—the only non-French sparkling wine allowed to carry the designation Crémant de…—as well as the current reforms of the wine-growing and wine-making sector on the European level and beyond.
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The Gallic beer is also far older than the national entity: the first brewery with a permanent location attested in the old duchy of Luxembourg dates back to 1300—not to mention the itinerant brewers, farmers and monks who brewed beer during the winter season. The history of beer production in Luxembourg can be read as a history of industrial concentration—with, on the fringe, some niche phenomena (Reckinger 2007b).
- 7.
This is the grand-ducal regulation of 27 January 1994 (note, incidentally, the recent date). The other regulations in force treat associated subjects, such as commercialisation and the pubs via concessions.
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Personal translation of: “Freed a […] Liewensloscht” (Gerges 1961: 9).
- 9.
They are also established festive gatherings. For the (supra-regional and even national) public that frequents them these celebrations and customs represent, again, an assumed attractive originality of the Moselle locals compared to inhabitants of other regions in Luxembourg.
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Mémorial n° 87 of 29 June 1967.
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Mémorial n° 87 of 12 May 1975.
- 12.
The stamps, used since 1852, initially carried the portrait of the sovereign—which gave them the Luxembourgish nickname Käppercher (a diminutive of ‘heads’).
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This term is the official substitution of the previous name which is meanwhile considered as politically incorrect: Heimatkunde (which translates as “knowledge of our homeland”).
- 14.
My translation: We’re singing. Song collection for the Luxembourgish schools.
- 15.
Nous parlons français. Manuel de français pour la cinquième année d’études, Luxembourg, Ministry of National Education.
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35% of the wines are of Luxembourgish provenance, while the other countries are significantly less represented (Portugal with 8%, Spain with 5%, Italy with 4%, etc.) and the German wines are entirely absent in the selections of the oenologists in question.
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This means that in order to achieve this analytical and rationalised result, i.e. for the canon to become normative, it is imperative to know that wine tasting is composed of seeing, smelling and tasting, together with what particular information these three stages are likely to convey to the person who is doing the tasting.
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Reckinger, R. (2019). Converging Terroir Typicity for Political Usage and Didactic Normativity. The Metonymical Institutionalization of Wine in Luxembourg. In: Conca Messina, S., Le Bras, S., Tedeschi, P., Vaquero Piñeiro, M. (eds) A History of Wine in Europe, 19th to 20th Centuries, Volume II. Palgrave Studies in Economic History. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27794-9_9
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