Abstract
This chapter presents the rationale and the topic of the book, the questions that are addressed, and the state of research on which it is based. It critically reflects upon the contentious politics approach as applied in the book, and elaborates the analytical framework that is used to systematically study socioeconomic contention in Egypt and Tunisia. It also gives a brief overview of socioeconomic contention in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) beyond Egypt and Tunisia and lays out the rationale and the limitations of the interregional comparison with Latin America. The chapter concludes with an overview of the contributions compiled in this volume.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
The Arab Barometer survey data is available for all four waves on arabbaromter.org. Also, Teti et al. (2018) confirm the importance of socioeconomic grievances for 2011 based on different survey data.
- 3.
We define marginalized groups as socioeconomically disadvantaged groups that are either unemployed or employed in precarious conditions and/or outside the structures of the formal economy. Marginalized groups are marginalized in at least one of the following regards (but frequently in more than one): general socioeconomic marginalization (poor people); marginalization from the official labor market (informal sector, unemployed); socio-geographical marginalization (rural areas, remote regions, urban shantytowns).
- 4.
The “long 1980s” include the years between the transitions to democracy in the Dominican Republic and Ecuador in 1978/1979 that started the 1980s wave of democratization in Latin America and the return to democracy in Chile in 1989/1990. During these years, the majority of Latin American countries underwent transition from non-democratic to democratic regimes.
- 5.
Given the focus on non-routine politics, the (increasingly sectoral) strikes of the UGTT that were staged according to formal procedures demanding better working conditions were not analyzed in a separate case study. In their chapter on the political economy of both countries, Adly and Meddeb reflect on the power of the public sector, mainly represented in the UGTT. Two general strikes by the UGTT that can be considered non-routinized actions were staged for political reasons, and thus do not represent socioeconomic protests (see Vatthauer and Weipert-Fenner 2017, p. 28).
- 6.
- 7.
“When institutional access opens, rifts appear within elites, allies become available, and state capacity for repression declines, challengers find opportunities to advance their claims” (Tarrow 1998, p. 71).
- 8.
- 9.
These two are, of course, only the most prominent “competitors.” For overviews of the state of social movement research, see Della Porta and Diani (2015), Goodwin and Jasper (2004), Morris and McClurg Mueller (1992), McAdam et al. (1996), and Rucht et al. (1999). For a recent reformulation of grievance theory, see Simmons (2014).
- 10.
- 11.
See, for instance, the studies by Silva (2009), Van Cott (2005), and Yashar (2005). For broader comparative assessments of social movements in Latin America from different theoretical perspectives, see the edited volumes by Alvarez et al. (1998), Eckstein (2001), Eckstein and Wickham-Crowley (2003), Johnston and Almeida (2006), and Rossi and Bülow (2015).
- 12.
The latter category includes direct governmental responses—such as repression or concessions—that directly respond to a given protest (see Franklin 2009) as well as broader, and usually more indirect, consequences that protests and entire cycles of contention may bring about (see Giugni et al. 1999).
- 13.
In the polity dimension, the fourfold range of options includes the ideal-type liberal-democratic form of political incorporation (inclusion with autonomy) and its opposite, repression (exclusion with control), but also co-optation (inclusion with control) and marginalization (exclusion with autonomy).
- 14.
We return to this overarching question in the concluding chapter, in which we draw on the scholarship on political incorporation (in Latin America) in order to help make sense of recent developments in Egypt and Tunisia (see Chap. 10).
- 15.
After confiscating his goods, the police threw his catch into a garbage truck and turned the compactor on when Fikri jumped into the truck to save his fish. The video of the horrible scene that led to Fikri’s immediate death was quickly distributed across the MENA region, although its mobilizing effects occurred among the Amazigh population in Morocco.
- 16.
We are aware of two studies that have also drawn on Latin American experiences in order to better understand recent developments in the MENA region and in Egypt and Tunisia, in particular (Grand 2014; Kellogg Institute for International Studies and Kroc Institute for International Peace Studies 2012). In contrast to this book, these studies focus on the issue of democratization and reflect the situation immediately following the Arab uprisings. An interregional comparison that includes MENA and Latin America and focuses on workers and organized labor can be found in Lazar (2017).
- 17.
With the exceptions of Colombia and Venezuela, all South American countries—namely, Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, Paraguay, Peru, and Uruguay—experienced a transition to democracy between the late 1970s and 1990 (see, for instance, Hagopian and Mainwaring 2005).
- 18.
Starting with Hugo Chávez in Venezuela (1998) and Lula da Silva in Brazil (2002), all South American countries except Colombia experienced the election of left-of-center governments in the early 2000s. The most prominent cases include Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Ecuador, Uruguay, and Venezuela (see Levitsky and Roberts 2011; Silva 2009).
- 19.
In general, the food riots in the 1980s in MENA are an important part of today’s collective memory and shape domestic contention and politics.
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Weipert-Fenner, I., Wolff, J. (2020). Introduction: Socioeconomic Protests in Times of Political Change—Studying Egypt and Tunisia from a Comparative Perspective. In: Weipert-Fenner, I., Wolff, J. (eds) Socioeconomic Protests in MENA and Latin America. Middle East Today. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-19621-9_1
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-19621-9_1
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